Party documents and caucus statements

DSA in Context: Party Platforms and Caucuses

Explore DSA's priorities alongside Democratic and Republican platforms, and compare thirteen DSA caucuses and networks.

Compare the issues Link

Share of attention: page 1

Community Investment, Housing, and Social Support Link

Democratic7.4%

The Democratic Party supports housing, education, health, infrastructure, income, and community-development investments directed toward low-income, rural, underserved, minority, and disaster-affected communities.

Republican5.9%

The Republican Party supports safety-net providers, veterans, foster families, local partnerships, training, transportation, child care, housing, and state or community responses to need.

DSA6.3%

DSA supports preserving social programs, expanding housing and infrastructure, meeting material needs, and organizing for working-class, poor, disabled, minority, and neglected communities.

Over time

Weighted attention · *partial period. Republican dots bridge the reused 2020 platform; other gaps mean no documents.

Period values and source qualificationsLink
Community Investment, Housing, and Social Support: share of attention in observed periods
PeriodDemocraticRepublicanDSA
2000–035.1%6.3%10.5%
2004–075.4%6.2%5.8%
2008–1110.7%7.0%10.7%
2012–156.1%7.2%5.6%
2016–197.4%7.0%2.9%
2020–239.6%Not observed7.8%
2024–26*7.8%1.7%2.9%

The cluster mixes targeted benefits, broad anti-poverty commitments, local capacity, and public-private delivery models; sampled documents differ on beneficiaries, scale, and administration.

Attention-share ratiosLink
Comparison (first / second)First shareSecond shareRatio
Democratic / Republican7.44%5.89%1.26×
DSA / Democratic6.33%7.44%0.85×
DSA / Republican6.33%5.89%1.08×
DSA / Democrat & Republican average6.33%6.66%0.95×

Weighted policy-claim shares across 2000–2026, not language density or policy agreement. Ratios use unrounded shares; 1× means equal attention. The combined baseline gives Democrats and Republicans equal weight. A zero baseline has no defined ratio.

Counterterrorism, Military Readiness, and War Strategy Link

Democratic5.2%

The Democratic Party's sampled documents combine counterterrorism, intelligence, alliances, military readiness, nonproliferation, veterans' support, and selective force with diplomacy, oversight, and ending particular wars.

Republican5.8%

The Republican Party's sampled documents emphasize military strength, readiness, missile and nuclear defense, counterterrorism, intelligence, support for troops, and preserving force options against identified threats.

DSA4.3%

DSA's sampled documents oppose war, occupation, military intervention, nuclear escalation, surveillance, and expansive defense spending while supporting demilitarization, diplomacy, and antiwar organizing.

Over time

Weighted attention · *partial period. Republican dots bridge the reused 2020 platform; other gaps mean no documents.

Period values and source qualificationsLink
Counterterrorism, Military Readiness, and War Strategy: share of attention in observed periods
PeriodDemocraticRepublicanDSA
2000–034.3%5.8%18.8%
2004–0713.8%10.9%2.3%
2008–116.4%5.5%1.3%
2012–156.7%5.8%3.5%
2016–192.3%4.9%3.5%
2020–231.3%Not observed1.9%
2024–26*1.4%2.0%2.5%

Threat assessments and preferred tools conflict sharply; the topic mixes operational policy, retrospective war judgments, civil-liberties concerns, and support for service members.

Attention-share ratiosLink
Comparison (first / second)First shareSecond shareRatio
Democratic / Republican5.17%5.80%0.89×
DSA / Democratic4.25%5.17%0.82×
DSA / Republican4.25%5.80%0.73×
DSA / Democrat & Republican average4.25%5.48%0.78×

Weighted policy-claim shares across 2000–2026, not language density or policy agreement. Ratios use unrounded shares; 1× means equal attention. The combined baseline gives Democrats and Republicans equal weight. A zero baseline has no defined ratio.

American Power, Leadership, and National Purpose Link

Democratic6.5%

The Democratic Party portrays American strength through collective effort, democratic values, alliances, principled leadership, prosperity, diplomacy, and partners capable of addressing shared challenges.

Republican7.6%

The Republican Party portrays America as an exceptional leader whose military, economy, ideals, alliances, and resolve should preserve security, freedom, prosperity, and global influence.

DSA1.1%

DSA criticizes U.S. empire, military dominance, intervention, and territorial control while supporting international solidarity, self-determination, and independence for peoples under U.S. power.

Over time

Weighted attention · *partial period. Republican dots bridge the reused 2020 platform; other gaps mean no documents.

Period values and source qualificationsLink
American Power, Leadership, and National Purpose: share of attention in observed periods
PeriodDemocraticRepublicanDSA
2000–038.2%8.7%0.8%
2004–078.3%7.7%2.6%
2008–119.2%8.7%0.4%
2012–158.5%8.8%1.3%
2016–194.0%5.9%1.2%
2020–233.5%Not observed0.6%
2024–26*3.9%5.9%1.2%

The cluster mixes patriotic narratives, alliance claims, economic competitiveness, military power, and anti-imperialist critique; it is broader than diplomacy or any single administration.

Attention-share ratiosLink
Comparison (first / second)First shareSecond shareRatio
Democratic / Republican6.50%7.60%0.86×
DSA / Democratic1.08%6.50%0.17×
DSA / Republican1.08%7.60%0.14×
DSA / Democrat & Republican average1.08%7.05%0.15×

Weighted policy-claim shares across 2000–2026, not language density or policy agreement. Ratios use unrounded shares; 1× means equal attention. The combined baseline gives Democrats and Republicans equal weight. A zero baseline has no defined ratio.

Cross-Policy Opposition and Institutional Critiques Link

Democratic3.5%

The Democratic Party's sampled documents criticize Republican administrations and policies across war, economics, rights, environment, governance, and public services while sometimes pairing objections with alternative commitments.

Republican7.1%

The Republican Party's sampled documents reject Democratic administrations, federal expansion, spending, judicial or executive actions, international constraints, military cuts, and selected trade, social, or security policies.

DSA4.4%

DSA's sampled documents criticize Democratic and Republican administrations, capitalism, militarism, austerity, policing, intervention, and institutional failures while advancing socialist or movement-based alternatives.

Over time

Weighted attention · *partial period. Republican dots bridge the reused 2020 platform; other gaps mean no documents.

Period values and source qualificationsLink
Cross-Policy Opposition and Institutional Critiques: share of attention in observed periods
PeriodDemocraticRepublicanDSA
2000–033.5%10.6%4.5%
2004–077.3%2.9%8.8%
2008–114.5%4.5%4.7%
2012–153.3%10.9%6.2%
2016–191.9%12.2%6.2%
2020–231.6%Not observed2.3%
2024–26*2.2%1.7%2.5%

This is a heterogeneous criticism cluster rather than a coherent policy program; some samples also state preferred alternatives, historical comparisons, or narrow sovereignty objections.

Attention-share ratiosLink
Comparison (first / second)First shareSecond shareRatio
Democratic / Republican3.49%7.12%0.49×
DSA / Democratic4.45%3.49%1.27×
DSA / Republican4.45%7.12%0.62×
DSA / Democrat & Republican average4.45%5.31%0.84×

Weighted policy-claim shares across 2000–2026, not language density or policy agreement. Ratios use unrounded shares; 1× means equal attention. The combined baseline gives Democrats and Republicans equal weight. A zero baseline has no defined ratio.

Economic Hardship, Poverty, and Housing Insecurity Link

Democratic4.3%

The Democratic Party describes poverty, job loss, housing unaffordability, racial wealth gaps, health costs, disaster burdens, and pandemic-era fiscal strain across successive election periods.

Republican4.4%

The Republican Party describes poverty, uninsured families, housing collapse, inflation, trade deficits, unemployment, health disparities, and fiscal distress, sometimes assigning partisan or public-cost blame.

DSA6.3%

DSA connects hardship to low wages, austerity, weak labor standards, privatization, capitalism, housing costs, incarceration, and crises, emphasizing burdens on workers and marginalized communities.

Over time

Weighted attention · *partial period. Republican dots bridge the reused 2020 platform; other gaps mean no documents.

Period values and source qualificationsLink
Economic Hardship, Poverty, and Housing Insecurity: share of attention in observed periods
PeriodDemocraticRepublicanDSA
2000–033.8%4.5%4.5%
2004–074.7%3.7%12.8%
2008–114.7%4.1%4.7%
2012–153.7%6.5%12.1%
2016–194.5%6.3%4.5%
2020–235.8%Not observed5.6%
2024–26*3.0%1.1%3.4%

The sample includes domestic and international crises, health and disaster burdens, macroeconomic indicators, and partisan causal claims rather than one anti-poverty program.

Attention-share ratiosLink
Comparison (first / second)First shareSecond shareRatio
Democratic / Republican4.32%4.37%0.99×
DSA / Democratic6.29%4.32%1.46×
DSA / Republican6.29%4.37%1.44×
DSA / Democrat & Republican average6.29%4.34%1.45×

Weighted policy-claim shares across 2000–2026, not language density or policy agreement. Ratios use unrounded shares; 1× means equal attention. The combined baseline gives Democrats and Republicans equal weight. A zero baseline has no defined ratio.

Healthcare Coverage, Affordability, and System Design Link

Democratic5.7%

The Democratic Party's sampled platforms seek broad affordable coverage, stronger Medicare and Medicaid, lower costs, prescription access, public-program equity, and reduced disparities across communities and territories.

Republican5.3%

The Republican Party's sampled platforms support affordable access through choice, competition, consumer control, targeted credits, Medicare and Medicaid changes, community care, prevention, and private provision.

DSA3.8%

DSA's sampled documents treat healthcare as a right and favor Medicare for All, single-payer coverage, public investment, universal eligibility, comprehensive benefits, and care without point-of-use charges.

Over time

Weighted attention · *partial period. Republican dots bridge the reused 2020 platform; other gaps mean no documents.

Period values and source qualificationsLink
Healthcare Coverage, Affordability, and System Design: share of attention in observed periods
PeriodDemocraticRepublicanDSA
2000–033.1%6.8%0.0%
2004–076.8%5.5%4.2%
2008–116.9%7.9%2.1%
2012–154.3%5.6%5.9%
2016–196.1%4.2%5.9%
2020–236.7%Not observed5.3%
2024–26*6.3%2.0%2.8%

The topic also spans direct care, long-term care, territorial disparities, reproductive and gender-affirming care, addiction treatment, provider regulation, and historically changing systems.

Attention-share ratiosLink
Comparison (first / second)First shareSecond shareRatio
Democratic / Republican5.74%5.31%1.08×
DSA / Democratic3.82%5.74%0.67×
DSA / Republican3.82%5.31%0.72×
DSA / Democrat & Republican average3.82%5.53%0.69×

Weighted policy-claim shares across 2000–2026, not language density or policy agreement. Ratios use unrounded shares; 1× means equal attention. The combined baseline gives Democrats and Republicans equal weight. A zero baseline has no defined ratio.

Voting Rights, Election Rules, and Representation Link

Democratic3.3%

The Democratic Party supports voting-rights enforcement, restored ballot access, opposition to suppression, campaign-finance reform, representative institutions, and broader democratic accountability.

Republican5.0%

The Republican Party supports voter identification, citizenship checks, paper ballots, state authority, representation rules, secret ballots, and selected constitutional safeguards.

DSA6.3%

DSA supports expanded voting rights, proportional representation, full democratic participation, anti-suppression measures, and limits on corporate influence over democracy.

Over time

Weighted attention · *partial period. Republican dots bridge the reused 2020 platform; other gaps mean no documents.

Period values and source qualificationsLink
Voting Rights, Election Rules, and Representation: share of attention in observed periods
PeriodDemocraticRepublicanDSA
2000–032.5%3.9%9.8%
2004–073.2%2.6%2.3%
2008–114.1%5.2%1.7%
2012–152.8%7.0%3.0%
2016–194.5%7.8%2.6%
2020–234.3%Not observed6.1%
2024–26*2.0%3.4%12.6%

The cluster also contains broader constitutional rights, governmental constraints, and democratic-governance claims; it does not present one uniform election system or establish current group consensus.

Attention-share ratiosLink
Comparison (first / second)First shareSecond shareRatio
Democratic / Republican3.33%4.99%0.67×
DSA / Democratic6.30%3.33%1.89×
DSA / Republican6.30%4.99%1.26×
DSA / Democrat & Republican average6.30%4.16%1.51×

Weighted policy-claim shares across 2000–2026, not language density or policy agreement. Ratios use unrounded shares; 1× means equal attention. The combined baseline gives Democrats and Republicans equal weight. A zero baseline has no defined ratio.

Public Protections and National Commitments Link

Democratic7.8%

The Democratic Party commits to American values, opportunity, nondiscrimination, public safety, social insurance, community strength, homeland security, and public investment.

Republican5.1%

The Republican Party commits to dignity, families, efficient government, American workers, national strength, anti-discrimination enforcement, social insurance, and economic stability.

DSA1.7%

DSA supports economic democratization, public investment, social movements, expanded rights, working-class organization, climate responsibility, and reduced military spending.

Over time

Weighted attention · *partial period. Republican dots bridge the reused 2020 platform; other gaps mean no documents.

Period values and source qualificationsLink
Public Protections and National Commitments: share of attention in observed periods
PeriodDemocraticRepublicanDSA
2000–032.5%2.2%3.0%
2004–077.6%1.4%0.0%
2008–1111.5%1.8%3.0%
2012–153.5%2.5%1.4%
2016–1913.7%1.3%1.2%
2020–2312.1%Not observed1.8%
2024–26*3.7%21.2%1.6%

This is a heterogeneous cluster of values, protections, and organizational goals rather than a single policy field; specific commitments and their intended beneficiaries vary substantially by document and period.

Attention-share ratiosLink
Comparison (first / second)First shareSecond shareRatio
Democratic / Republican7.78%5.06%1.54×
DSA / Democratic1.70%7.78%0.22×
DSA / Republican1.70%5.06%0.34×
DSA / Democrat & Republican average1.70%6.42%0.26×

Weighted policy-claim shares across 2000–2026, not language density or policy agreement. Ratios use unrounded shares; 1× means equal attention. The combined baseline gives Democrats and Republicans equal weight. A zero baseline has no defined ratio.

Share of attention, page 1 of 3. All organizations use the same subjects and chart scales.
Share of attention, page 1 of 3. All organizations use the same subjects and chart scales.
Share of attention: page 2

Economic Prosperity Narratives and Development Models Link

Democratic3.5%

The Democratic Party connects prosperity to public investment, infrastructure, manufacturing, education, inclusion, innovation, fair growth, and records attributed to Democratic administrations.

Republican5.2%

The Republican Party connects growth to markets, trade, lower taxes, deregulation, resource development, entrepreneurship, and economic freedom, often contrasting these with government intervention.

DSA5.7%

DSA critiques capitalist growth and inequality while supporting democratic planning, public investment, redistribution, labor power, and socialist alternatives organized around human needs.

Over time

Weighted attention · *partial period. Republican dots bridge the reused 2020 platform; other gaps mean no documents.

Period values and source qualificationsLink
Economic Prosperity Narratives and Development Models: share of attention in observed periods
PeriodDemocraticRepublicanDSA
2000–036.9%8.0%2.3%
2004–073.0%6.2%7.2%
2008–113.4%4.1%3.8%
2012–154.5%5.4%8.1%
2016–192.1%6.4%4.3%
2020–231.7%Not observed4.3%
2024–26*3.3%1.4%8.3%

The heterogeneous cluster mixes retrospective records, causal claims, aspirations, and policy models; it should not be read as one coherent theory within or across groups.

Attention-share ratiosLink
Comparison (first / second)First shareSecond shareRatio
Democratic / Republican3.54%5.23%0.68×
DSA / Democratic5.66%3.54%1.60×
DSA / Republican5.66%5.23%1.08×
DSA / Democrat & Republican average5.66%4.39%1.29×

Weighted policy-claim shares across 2000–2026, not language density or policy agreement. Ratios use unrounded shares; 1× means equal attention. The combined baseline gives Democrats and Republicans equal weight. A zero baseline has no defined ratio.

Diplomacy, Alliances, Trade, and International Cooperation Link

Democratic5.8%

The Democratic Party's sampled documents favor alliances, diplomacy, development, multilateral institutions, negotiated agreements, and international cooperation on security, trade, climate, health, and human rights.

Republican4.6%

The Republican Party's sampled documents combine alliances and negotiated trade with sovereignty protections, burden-sharing, firm enforcement, strategic competition, sanctions, and reservations about international courts or agreements.

DSA3.0%

DSA's sampled documents support international cooperation while opposing militarism, coercive intervention, corporate trade rules, sanctions, and institutions viewed as subordinating workers or poorer nations.

Over time

Weighted attention · *partial period. Republican dots bridge the reused 2020 platform; other gaps mean no documents.

Period values and source qualificationsLink
Diplomacy, Alliances, Trade, and International Cooperation: share of attention in observed periods
PeriodDemocraticRepublicanDSA
2000–035.5%4.9%9.8%
2004–076.2%6.6%1.6%
2008–116.4%5.1%0.9%
2012–158.2%3.3%1.1%
2016–196.1%3.9%1.6%
2020–236.9%Not observed2.7%
2024–26*1.5%3.9%3.4%

The topic mixes cooperative, market-opening, sovereignty-protective, and anti-imperialist positions; agreement on international engagement does not imply agreement on its institutions, terms, or use.

Attention-share ratiosLink
Comparison (first / second)First shareSecond shareRatio
Democratic / Republican5.84%4.63%1.26×
DSA / Democratic3.01%5.84%0.51×
DSA / Republican3.01%4.63%0.65×
DSA / Democrat & Republican average3.01%5.23%0.57×

Weighted policy-claim shares across 2000–2026, not language density or policy agreement. Ratios use unrounded shares; 1× means equal attention. The combined baseline gives Democrats and Republicans equal weight. A zero baseline has no defined ratio.

Institutional Power, Oppression, and Social Conflict Link

Democratic1.1%

The Democratic Party describes threats from criminal networks, authoritarian regimes, discrimination, anti-worker conduct, political violence, technology abuse, and institutions that undermine rights or democracy.

Republican2.3%

The Republican Party describes threats from foreign repression, criminal trafficking, government overreach, corruption, judges, ideological institutions, and policies portrayed as weakening freedom, markets, or order.

DSA9.3%

DSA links oppression and social conflict to capitalism, racism, austerity, anti-labor politics, police, prisons, borders, surveillance, militarism, and elites dividing working people.

Over time

Weighted attention · *partial period. Republican dots bridge the reused 2020 platform; other gaps mean no documents.

Period values and source qualificationsLink
Institutional Power, Oppression, and Social Conflict: share of attention in observed periods
PeriodDemocraticRepublicanDSA
2000–031.6%2.2%3.0%
2004–070.6%1.3%11.4%
2008–110.7%2.5%6.4%
2012–151.2%2.3%9.5%
2016–191.3%3.8%13.4%
2020–231.3%Not observed11.7%
2024–26*0.9%1.7%8.3%

The assignment mixes domestic and international conflicts, state and private actors, justice systems, labor struggles, technology, migration, and broad ideological criticism without one policy program.

Attention-share ratiosLink
Comparison (first / second)First shareSecond shareRatio
Democratic / Republican1.08%2.29%0.47×
DSA / Democratic9.29%1.08%8.60×
DSA / Republican9.29%2.29%4.06×
DSA / Democrat & Republican average9.29%1.69%5.51×

Weighted policy-claim shares across 2000–2026, not language density or policy agreement. Ratios use unrounded shares; 1× means equal attention. The combined baseline gives Democrats and Republicans equal weight. A zero baseline has no defined ratio.

Public Education Access, Funding, and School Choice Link

Democratic5.3%

The Democratic Party's sampled documents emphasize public investment, broad access, teachers, achievement gaps, accountability, safe schools, early learning, and affordable pathways through college.

Republican4.9%

The Republican Party's sampled documents emphasize parental choice, local control, standards, discipline, charters, vouchers, homeschooling, skills, and alternatives for students in failing schools.

DSA2.3%

DSA's sampled documents treat education as a public good, supporting universal access, public funding, democratic control, labor rights, inclusion, and reduced market or debt burdens.

Over time

Weighted attention · *partial period. Republican dots bridge the reused 2020 platform; other gaps mean no documents.

Period values and source qualificationsLink
Public Education Access, Funding, and School Choice: share of attention in observed periods
PeriodDemocraticRepublicanDSA
2000–039.5%4.2%0.0%
2004–076.2%5.0%3.7%
2008–115.0%5.9%3.0%
2012–152.4%4.1%3.0%
2016–196.1%3.5%1.2%
2020–235.6%Not observed2.6%
2024–26*2.5%7.0%2.5%

The topic spans early childhood through higher education and includes conflicting views on testing, federal authority, nonpublic options, discipline, and democratic governance.

Attention-share ratiosLink
Comparison (first / second)First shareSecond shareRatio
Democratic / Republican5.32%4.95%1.08×
DSA / Democratic2.34%5.32%0.44×
DSA / Republican2.34%4.95%0.47×
DSA / Democrat & Republican average2.34%5.13%0.46×

Weighted policy-claim shares across 2000–2026, not language density or policy agreement. Ratios use unrounded shares; 1× means equal attention. The combined baseline gives Democrats and Republicans equal weight. A zero baseline has no defined ratio.

Labor Rights, Unionization, and Worker Protections Link

Democratic3.4%

The Democratic Party supports unions, collective bargaining, organizing rights, higher wages, labor-law enforcement, safer workplaces, and protections for workers excluded from existing rules.

Republican1.6%

The Republican Party emphasizes right-to-work, secret-ballot union elections, union financial accountability, worker choice, job creation, and selected workplace or compensation protections.

DSA7.1%

DSA supports rank-and-file unionism, organizing, collective bargaining, strikes, labor solidarity, universal labor rights, and worker power across workplaces and social movements.

Over time

Weighted attention · *partial period. Republican dots bridge the reused 2020 platform; other gaps mean no documents.

Period values and source qualificationsLink
Labor Rights, Unionization, and Worker Protections: share of attention in observed periods
PeriodDemocraticRepublicanDSA
2000–033.9%0.8%6.8%
2004–072.6%2.0%6.3%
2008–114.6%1.6%6.4%
2012–153.7%1.9%5.4%
2016–193.3%2.0%6.1%
2020–233.6%Not observed8.2%
2024–26*1.8%1.1%8.2%

The packet spans distinct labor institutions and periods, and includes some economic or occupational policies that do not amount to a comprehensive labor platform.

Attention-share ratiosLink
Comparison (first / second)First shareSecond shareRatio
Democratic / Republican3.37%1.57%2.14×
DSA / Democratic7.09%3.37%2.10×
DSA / Republican7.09%1.57%4.50×
DSA / Democrat & Republican average7.09%2.47%2.86×

Weighted policy-claim shares across 2000–2026, not language density or policy agreement. Ratios use unrounded shares; 1× means equal attention. The combined baseline gives Democrats and Republicans equal weight. A zero baseline has no defined ratio.

Criminal Justice, Policing, and Incarceration Link

Democratic3.5%

The Democratic Party's sampled documents combine community safety and policing resources with sentencing reform, rehabilitation, reentry, civil-rights enforcement, and efforts to reduce racial disparities and excessive incarceration.

Republican4.3%

The Republican Party's sampled documents emphasize public order, police support, prosecution, victims, punishment, prison administration, and local enforcement, with some attention to rehabilitation and reentry.

DSA4.2%

DSA's sampled documents criticize policing, prisons, criminalization, racialized violence, and punitive drug policy while supporting decarceration, abolitionist organizing, community control, and material alternatives.

Over time

Weighted attention · *partial period. Republican dots bridge the reused 2020 platform; other gaps mean no documents.

Period values and source qualificationsLink
Criminal Justice, Policing, and Incarceration: share of attention in observed periods
PeriodDemocraticRepublicanDSA
2000–035.6%3.8%3.0%
2004–072.2%2.4%0.5%
2008–112.2%5.8%0.9%
2012–151.9%4.7%5.7%
2016–194.5%4.5%4.6%
2020–234.7%Not observed8.8%
2024–26*3.4%4.5%2.8%

The packet contains punitive, rehabilitative, abolitionist, civil-rights, and victim-centered strands; documents differ sharply over police authority, capital punishment, and incarceration.

Attention-share ratiosLink
Comparison (first / second)First shareSecond shareRatio
Democratic / Republican3.50%4.28%0.82×
DSA / Democratic4.20%3.50%1.20×
DSA / Republican4.20%4.28%0.98×
DSA / Democrat & Republican average4.20%3.89%1.08×

Weighted policy-claim shares across 2000–2026, not language density or policy agreement. Ratios use unrounded shares; 1× means equal attention. The combined baseline gives Democrats and Republicans equal weight. A zero baseline has no defined ratio.

Reproductive Rights, Gender Equality, and Family Policy Link

Democratic2.4%

The Democratic Party's sampled documents support reproductive autonomy, abortion and contraception access, gender and LGBTQ equality, family protections, caregiving, and enforcement against discrimination and violence.

Republican4.6%

The Republican Party's sampled documents emphasize fetal life, abortion restrictions, conscience protections, traditional marriage or sex classifications, adoption, family formation, and opposition to public abortion funding.

DSA3.2%

DSA's sampled documents frame reproductive freedom, gender and sexual liberation, healthcare access, childcare, and freedom from violence as connected social and economic rights.

Over time

Weighted attention · *partial period. Republican dots bridge the reused 2020 platform; other gaps mean no documents.

Period values and source qualificationsLink
Reproductive Rights, Gender Equality, and Family Policy: share of attention in observed periods
PeriodDemocraticRepublicanDSA
2000–032.2%2.6%0.0%
2004–071.4%2.9%0.0%
2008–112.8%5.4%2.1%
2012–152.9%5.2%4.0%
2016–192.9%6.5%5.2%
2020–232.4%Not observed2.8%
2024–26*2.4%4.7%5.9%

Reproductive policy is central, but the cluster also contains broader equality and family-policy claims; positions differ within and across documents over rights, funding, and institutions.

Attention-share ratiosLink
Comparison (first / second)First shareSecond shareRatio
Democratic / Republican2.43%4.55%0.53×
DSA / Democratic3.19%2.43%1.31×
DSA / Republican3.19%4.55%0.70×
DSA / Democrat & Republican average3.19%3.49%0.91×

Weighted policy-claim shares across 2000–2026, not language density or policy agreement. Ratios use unrounded shares; 1× means equal attention. The combined baseline gives Democrats and Republicans equal weight. A zero baseline has no defined ratio.

Tax Relief, Progressive Revenue, and Corporate Taxation Link

Democratic2.9%

The Democratic Party's sampled documents pair middle- and lower-income tax relief with credits, corporate enforcement, and higher or restored contributions from wealthy households to finance public priorities.

Republican3.9%

The Republican Party's sampled documents favor lower, simpler, and more predictable taxes, including relief for families, businesses, investment, estates, and savings, alongside selected enforcement measures.

DSA2.8%

DSA's sampled documents advocate progressive taxation of corporations, wealth, high incomes, estates, and financial activity to fund social programs and reduce concentrated economic power.

Over time

Weighted attention · *partial period. Republican dots bridge the reused 2020 platform; other gaps mean no documents.

Period values and source qualificationsLink
Tax Relief, Progressive Revenue, and Corporate Taxation: share of attention in observed periods
PeriodDemocraticRepublicanDSA
2000–032.5%4.6%0.0%
2004–073.1%4.5%4.0%
2008–112.4%4.8%5.1%
2012–154.6%3.4%4.2%
2016–192.4%3.6%3.1%
2020–231.7%Not observed1.8%
2024–26*3.9%2.5%2.6%

Tax bases, beneficiaries, and stated purposes vary widely; the cluster also includes critiques of loopholes, deductions, tax avoidance, and distributional effects.

Attention-share ratiosLink
Comparison (first / second)First shareSecond shareRatio
Democratic / Republican2.94%3.91%0.75×
DSA / Democratic2.78%2.94%0.95×
DSA / Republican2.78%3.91%0.71×
DSA / Democrat & Republican average2.78%3.43%0.81×

Weighted policy-claim shares across 2000–2026, not language density or policy agreement. Ratios use unrounded shares; 1× means equal attention. The combined baseline gives Democrats and Republicans equal weight. A zero baseline has no defined ratio.

Share of attention, page 2 of 3. All organizations use the same subjects and chart scales.
Share of attention, page 2 of 3. All organizations use the same subjects and chart scales.
Share of attention: page 3

Presidential Leadership, Records, and Policy Commitments Link

Democratic6.5%

The Democratic Party's sampled documents praise Democratic presidential achievements and commitments while criticizing Republican administrations across economics, rights, war, health, environment, infrastructure, governance, and alliances.

Republican2.4%

The Republican Party's sampled documents praise Republican presidential leadership and commitments while criticizing Democratic administrations on defense, borders, economics, executive authority, regulation, crime, and global instability.

DSA0.5%

DSA's sampled documents assess presidential and governmental records through socialist critiques of war, austerity, immigration, policing, intervention, corporate power, and Democratic Party limitations.

Over time

Weighted attention · *partial period. Republican dots bridge the reused 2020 platform; other gaps mean no documents.

Period values and source qualificationsLink
Presidential Leadership, Records, and Policy Commitments: share of attention in observed periods
PeriodDemocraticRepublicanDSA
2000–033.4%1.4%0.0%
2004–071.2%9.0%0.2%
2008–111.9%0.2%1.7%
2012–1514.1%1.4%0.4%
2016–191.3%0.5%1.0%
2020–230.1%Not observed0.3%
2024–26*23.3%2.0%0.4%

This attribution-centered cluster is not a single issue area: it mixes praise, criticism, campaign commitments, and retrospective claims whose accuracy is asserted by the sampled documents.

Attention-share ratiosLink
Comparison (first / second)First shareSecond shareRatio
Democratic / Republican6.48%2.40%2.70×
DSA / Democratic0.54%6.48%0.08×
DSA / Republican0.54%2.40%0.23×
DSA / Democrat & Republican average0.54%4.44%0.12×

Weighted policy-claim shares across 2000–2026, not language density or policy agreement. Ratios use unrounded shares; 1× means equal attention. The combined baseline gives Democrats and Republicans equal weight. A zero baseline has no defined ratio.

Energy Production, Transition, and Investment Link

Democratic4.0%

The Democratic Party pairs clean-energy, infrastructure, climate, manufacturing, housing, rural, and workforce investments with jobs, competitiveness, recovery, and wider economic commitments.

Republican3.5%

The Republican Party emphasizes domestic energy supply, independence or dominance, markets, technology, trade, pipelines, deregulation, jobs, and growth, alongside some conservation or renewable measures.

DSA1.7%

DSA supports green transition, public investment, democratic economic control, jobs, conservation, and organizing against austerity, capitalism, and inequality.

Over time

Weighted attention · *partial period. Republican dots bridge the reused 2020 platform; other gaps mean no documents.

Period values and source qualificationsLink
Energy Production, Transition, and Investment: share of attention in observed periods
PeriodDemocraticRepublicanDSA
2000–033.4%2.9%0.0%
2004–075.4%2.3%2.6%
2008–114.5%7.4%0.9%
2012–153.2%3.2%0.8%
2016–193.9%2.9%1.0%
2020–233.7%Not observed3.0%
2024–26*3.8%2.5%2.0%

The cluster also contains broader housing, rural, trade, and economic commitments; it does not establish a single energy program or a current consensus within any group.

Attention-share ratiosLink
Comparison (first / second)First shareSecond shareRatio
Democratic / Republican3.98%3.53%1.13×
DSA / Democratic1.70%3.98%0.43×
DSA / Republican1.70%3.53%0.48×
DSA / Democrat & Republican average1.70%3.75%0.45×

Weighted policy-claim shares across 2000–2026, not language density or policy agreement. Ratios use unrounded shares; 1× means equal attention. The combined baseline gives Democrats and Republicans equal weight. A zero baseline has no defined ratio.

Israel-Palestine Peace, Security, and Palestinian Rights Link

Democratic1.2%

The Democratic Party's platforms combine Israeli security with Palestinian statehood, assistance, diplomacy, negotiated peace, and, by 2024, ceasefire and Gaza reconstruction language.

Republican1.4%

The Republican Party's platforms emphasize Israel’s security, diplomatic recognition, regional peace, defensible borders, and opposition to hostile groups, alongside recurring conditional support for Palestinian statehood.

DSA6.1%

DSA emphasizes Palestinian sovereignty, return, self-determination, ending occupation and military aid, ceasefires, and solidarity, while earlier samples sometimes endorse negotiated two-state peace and Israeli civilian security.

Over time

Weighted attention · *partial period. Republican dots bridge the reused 2020 platform; other gaps mean no documents.

Period values and source qualificationsLink
Israel-Palestine Peace, Security, and Palestinian Rights: share of attention in observed periods
PeriodDemocraticRepublicanDSA
2000–031.1%1.3%3.0%
2004–072.0%2.2%8.6%
2008–111.3%2.1%17.9%
2012–151.3%1.0%4.1%
2016–191.3%1.7%2.5%
2020–230.3%Not observed4.9%
2024–26*1.2%0.3%4.6%

The packet also includes Syria, Iraq, Yemen, terrorism, antisemitism, and wider Middle East policy; these adjacent conflicts should not be treated as equivalent positions.

Attention-share ratiosLink
Comparison (first / second)First shareSecond shareRatio
Democratic / Republican1.23%1.44%0.86×
DSA / Democratic6.14%1.23%4.98×
DSA / Republican6.14%1.44%4.27×
DSA / Democrat & Republican average6.14%1.33%4.60×

Weighted policy-claim shares across 2000–2026, not language density or policy agreement. Ratios use unrounded shares; 1× means equal attention. The combined baseline gives Democrats and Republicans equal weight. A zero baseline has no defined ratio.

Immigration Reform, Enforcement, and Migrant Rights Link

Democratic1.6%

The Democratic Party's platforms combine pathways to citizenship, family reunification, asylum and immigrant protections with border security, employer enforcement, screening, and administrative reform.

Republican2.7%

The Republican Party's platforms welcome legal immigration while emphasizing border control, enforcement, screening, detention or removal, employer and smuggling penalties, national interest, and lawful citizenship processes.

DSA3.0%

DSA supports citizenship, asylum, immigrant labor rights, free movement, abolition of ICE, demilitarized borders, and ending detention, deportation, and punitive immigration controls.

Over time

Weighted attention · *partial period. Republican dots bridge the reused 2020 platform; other gaps mean no documents.

Period values and source qualificationsLink
Immigration Reform, Enforcement, and Migrant Rights: share of attention in observed periods
PeriodDemocraticRepublicanDSA
2000–031.0%0.6%0.8%
2004–070.8%1.1%2.1%
2008–111.6%2.2%0.9%
2012–151.0%2.2%3.1%
2016–191.9%1.9%1.8%
2020–232.6%Not observed4.2%
2024–26*2.3%8.4%5.0%

Approaches change across years and include narrower outliers involving expatriate voting, Cuba, civil-rights history, trade enforcement, healthcare eligibility, and foreign asylum disputes.

Attention-share ratiosLink
Comparison (first / second)First shareSecond shareRatio
Democratic / Republican1.60%2.74%0.59×
DSA / Democratic2.99%1.60%1.86×
DSA / Republican2.99%2.74%1.09×
DSA / Democrat & Republican average2.99%2.17%1.38×

Weighted policy-claim shares across 2000–2026, not language density or policy agreement. Ratios use unrounded shares; 1× means equal attention. The combined baseline gives Democrats and Republicans equal weight. A zero baseline has no defined ratio.

Trump Administration Records and Partisan Critiques Link

Democratic3.3%

The Democratic Party's platforms criticize Trump on alliances, diplomacy, labor, trade, pandemic response, health and social programs, immigration, climate, racial equity, political violence, and democratic norms.

Republican0.5%

The Republican Party's sampled documents, chiefly from 2024, praise Trump’s trade, energy, manufacturing, border, Medicare, national-pride, and economic record while promising renewed implementation.

DSA1.2%

DSA criticizes Trump’s immigration, racial, gender, labor, tax, environmental, foreign-policy, and militarist record, while describing movement growth and opposition during his presidency.

Over time

Weighted attention · *partial period. Republican dots bridge the reused 2020 platform; other gaps mean no documents.

Period values and source qualificationsLink
Trump Administration Records and Partisan Critiques: share of attention in observed periods
PeriodDemocraticRepublicanDSA
2000–030.0%0.0%0.0%
2004–070.0%0.0%0.0%
2008–110.0%0.0%0.0%
2012–150.0%0.0%0.1%
2016–193.8%0.1%5.3%
2020–236.7%Not observed1.0%
2024–26*12.8%2.8%1.8%

Coverage begins near the 2016 campaign, Republican evidence is overwhelmingly from 2024, and accusations or achievements remain attributed historical partisan claims rather than independently verified findings.

Attention-share ratiosLink
Comparison (first / second)First shareSecond shareRatio
Democratic / Republican3.33%0.47%7.01×
DSA / Democratic1.21%3.33%0.36×
DSA / Republican1.21%0.47%2.55×
DSA / Democrat & Republican average1.21%1.90%0.64×

Weighted policy-claim shares across 2000–2026, not language density or policy agreement. Ratios use unrounded shares; 1× means equal attention. The combined baseline gives Democrats and Republicans equal weight. A zero baseline has no defined ratio.

Share of attention, page 3 of 3. All organizations use the same subjects and chart scales.
Share of attention, page 3 of 3. All organizations use the same subjects and chart scales.

Overall patterns by organization Link

Democratic Party Link

The Democratic Party commits to American values, opportunity, nondiscrimination, public safety, social insurance, community strength, homeland security, and public investment. The Democratic Party supports housing, education, health, infrastructure, income, and community-development investments directed toward low-income, rural, underserved, minority, and disaster-affected communities. The Democratic Party portrays American strength through collective effort, democratic values, alliances, principled leadership, prosperity, diplomacy, and partners capable of addressing shared challenges.

Largest subjects

  1. Public Protections and National Commitments7.8%
  2. Community Investment, Housing, and Social Support7.4%
  3. American Power, Leadership, and National Purpose6.5%

A stated position

Commitment to upholding American values at home and abroad.

Original extracted wording

Commitment to commit to upholding American values at home and abroad.

2020 Democratic Party Platform · Read the source evidence

7 documents ·11,811 analyzed claims

Republican Party Link

The Republican Party portrays America as an exceptional leader whose military, economy, ideals, alliances, and resolve should preserve security, freedom, prosperity, and global influence. The Republican Party's sampled documents reject Democratic administrations, federal expansion, spending, judicial or executive actions, international constraints, military cuts, and selected trade, social, or security policies. The Republican Party supports safety-net providers, veterans, foster families, local partnerships, training, transportation, child care, housing, and state or community responses to need.

Largest subjects

  1. American Power, Leadership, and National Purpose7.6%
  2. Cross-Policy Opposition and Institutional Critiques7.1%
  3. Community Investment, Housing, and Social Support5.9%

A stated position

In an American century, America will have the strongest economy and the strongest military in the world.

2012 Republican Party Platform · Read the source evidence

6 documents ·9,150 analyzed claims

Democratic Socialists of America Link

DSA links oppression and social conflict to capitalism, racism, austerity, anti-labor politics, police, prisons, borders, surveillance, militarism, and elites dividing working people. DSA supports rank-and-file unionism, organizing, collective bargaining, strikes, labor solidarity, universal labor rights, and worker power across workplaces and social movements. DSA supports preserving social programs, expanding housing and infrastructure, meeting material needs, and organizing for working-class, poor, disabled, minority, and neglected communities.

Largest subjects

  1. Institutional Power, Oppression, and Social Conflict9.3%
  2. Labor Rights, Unionization, and Worker Protections7.1%
  3. Community Investment, Housing, and Social Support6.3%

A stated position

Militarized borders, xenophobic/racist immigration laws, and an abusive prison industrial complex suppress wages and divide the working class.

2021 adopted DSA Political Platform - immutable December 2021 snapshot · Read the source evidence

122 documents ·5,108 analyzed claims

These are summaries of observed documents across 2000–2026, not exhaustive descriptions of current beliefs. DSA coverage includes national resolutions and statements alongside platforms/programs; periods and genres differ.

Where the language differs Link

These maps compare the concentration of each organization's language in a shared semantic space. Explore the issues and source statements behind the points. Similar language does not imply the same policy position.

Hover to explore an issue. Click or tap to pin it.

Inside DSA Link

Compare the priorities of thirteen caucuses and networks, through the issues emphasized in their own statements.

Building DSA as a mass organization

Building DSA as a mass organization Link

The sources debate DSA's role in building a larger socialist organization. Groundwork emphasizes its potential to become a mass party; Winter emphasizes a coordinated workers' movement; Bread & Roses describes a pre-party role. A shared focus on DSA should not be read as agreement about its destination.

Socialist Majority Caucus

From its statement

Socialist Majority Caucus Link

Today, DSA must sow the seeds of a democratic socialist future by building relationships with a variety of leftist parties and mass organizations around the world.

Read the source evidenceLink

Today, DSA must sow the seeds of a democratic socialist future by building relationships with a variety of leftist parties and mass organizations around the world.

Capitalism is a global system—one that we seek to replace with an international, ecologically sustainable, socialist society, in which goods are produced and distributed democratically based on need and where security is determined collectively. Today, we must sow the seeds of a democratic socialist future by building relationships with a variety of leftist parties and mass organizations around the world, including those fighting against authoritarianism, fascism and imperialism.

Socialist Majority Caucus: Points of Unity

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DSA membership increases during moments of popular upheaval, and new members should be strategically brought into long-term work in the socialist movement through these interconnected struggles.

We believe that socialists should participate in independent political organizations, unions, tenant associations, and other mass organizations that can reach, organize, and politicize working people in different ways. DSA membership increases during moments of popular upheaval, and we should strategically bring new members into long-term work in the socialist movement through these interconnected struggles. Today, the tip of the spear of the right-wing movement is aimed at our trans siblings—and we must defend them.

Socialist Majority Caucus: Points of Unity

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Red Star

From its statement

Red Star Link

DSA can support a Revolutionary movement.

Read the source evidenceLink

DSA can support a Revolutionary movement.

DSA can support a Revolutionary movement

Red Star: Points of Unity

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DSA can be made into an organization capable of fulfilling the historical role of an organization that empowers the U.S. left and working class to be capable of Party formation.

While our horizon is revolutionary, our immediate task within DSA is building the party – the organization through which the working class can organize to fight the class war. At present, DSA does not meet our standards for a revolutionary party, but it has potential. Besides being divided between incompatible visions for the organization, DSA does not represent the entire working class, nor does it have the confidence of the entire working class. Because only the working class itself can decide who the party is, there is no list of discrete steps for creating the party. We can, however, make DSA into an organization capable of fulfilling the historical role of an organization that empowers the U.S. left & working class to be capable of Party formation.

Red Star: Points of Unity

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North Star

From its statement

North Star Link

Some DSA members bring a democratic socialist perspective to other community organizations.

Read the source evidenceLink

Some DSA members bring a democratic socialist perspective to other community organizations.

Returning to a politics of inclusion also means that nobody should be dismissed as a so-called paper member of DSA. This term has been used to write off material supporters who bring vital perspectives to and strengthen our cause. Different levels of participation in DSA are not only natural, but to be encouraged. Working-class people have jobs, lives and organizing responsibilities outside of DSA that take time and energy. Some bring a democratic socialist perspective to other community organizations, organize around issues beyond the scope of DSA’s work, or have busy careers working in other spaces. Whether or not members participate in DSA meetings is not necessarily an accurate measure of members’ commitment to or engagement with DSA. Members who, for example, join DSA out of support for high-profile democratic socialist figures must be included in decision-making, without imposing upon them our cultural expectations of in-person travel.

North Star: Statement of Principles

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Diverse strategies, tactics, and points of view give life to the notion of DSA as an inclusive democratic socialist organization.

DSA’s notion of democratic socialism is rooted in our origin as a multi-tendency organization and in our conception of socialism. DSA must be a multi-tendency organization with healthy dialogue and debate over different strategic perspectives on how to advance and achieve democratic socialism. In practice, that means a shared politics but with room for diverse strategies, tactics, and points of view. This is what gives life to the notion of DSA as an inclusive democratic socialist organization.

North Star: Statement of Principles

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Springs of Revolution

From its statement

Springs of Revolution Link

The Building a United Front Toward 2028 resolution proposes that DSA explore building a broad Left-Labor electoral coalition capable of organizing the foundation of independence from the duopoly.

Read the source evidenceLink

The Building a United Front Toward 2028 resolution proposes that DSA explore building a broad Left-Labor electoral coalition capable of organizing the foundation of independence from the duopoly.

Two important political events in 2028 – the presidential elections and the labor movement’s response to the UAW call for a May Day strike – present crucial opportunities for agitational mass organizing. This resolution makes it a priority for DSA to take incremental steps to explore building a broad Left-Labor electoral coalition capable of organizing the foundation of independence from the duopoly, and directs DSA to convene a 2028 Planning Committee to explore the viability of different organizing strategies, liaise across national bodies, and build local chapter preparedness in preparation for 2028.

Springs of Revolution: Platform

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The Building a United Front Toward 2028 resolution proposes directing DSA to convene a 2028 Planning Committee to explore organizing strategies, liaise across national bodies, and build local chapter preparedness.

Two important political events in 2028 – the presidential elections and the labor movement’s response to the UAW call for a May Day strike – present crucial opportunities for agitational mass organizing. This resolution makes it a priority for DSA to take incremental steps to explore building a broad Left-Labor electoral coalition capable of organizing the foundation of independence from the duopoly, and directs DSA to convene a 2028 Planning Committee to explore the viability of different organizing strategies, liaise across national bodies, and build local chapter preparedness in preparation for 2028.

Springs of Revolution: Platform

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Winter Caucus

From its statement

Winter Caucus Link

The DSA must take a leading role in building up a highly-coordinated and independent workers’ movement that can lay the groundwork for a mass socialist party, one that is capable of unifying forces and linking single-issue campaigns for higher pay, better housing, and universal healthcare to the overall goal of advancing socialism.

Read the source evidenceLink

The DSA must take a leading role in building up a highly-coordinated and independent workers’ movement that can lay the groundwork for a mass socialist party, one that is capable of unifying forces and linking single-issue campaigns for higher pay, better housing, and universal healthcare to the overall goal of advancing socialism.

The DSA must take a leading role in building up a highly-coordinated and independent workers’ movement that can lay the groundwork for a mass socialist party, one that is capable of unifying our forces and linking single-issue campaigns for higher pay, better housing, and universal healthcare to the overall goal of advancing socialism. To this end, we must fight for an increasingly militant labor movement and democracy in our organizations in order to elevate the class struggle at every point of potential conflict.

Winter Caucus: Statement of Principles

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DSA candidates must utilize the platform of political office to agitate for socialism.

We believe in running socialist candidates when and where our movement is strong enough so they’re actually subordinate to DSA. Endorsing progressives who employ a liberal theory of change once in office is counterproductive. The lack of standards has led to DSA electeds capitulating to the Democratic Party on domestic and foreign policy issues. DSA must field its own candidates, authentic socialists, who are subject to a high set of standards and democratic discipline while campaigning and in elected office. These candidates must pursue genuine oppositional politics and utilize the platform of political office to agitate for socialism, recruit to DSA, and drive people into organizing beyond the ballot box.

Winter Caucus: Statement of Principles

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Communist Caucus

From its statement

Communist Caucus Link

The DSA has a great potential for promoting and unifying working class struggles.

Read the source evidenceLink

The DSA has a great potential for promoting and unifying working class struggles.

The DSA has a great potential for promoting and unifying working class struggles. We can do this by supporting self-organized power in all parts of our class. We hope comrades far and wide will join us in this effort. Together, we can win the world and forever cast off our chains.

Communist Caucus: Our Statement

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The DSA hopes comrades far and wide will join in the effort to support self-organized power in all parts of the working class.

The DSA has a great potential for promoting and unifying working class struggles. We can do this by supporting self-organized power in all parts of our class. We hope comrades far and wide will join us in this effort. Together, we can win the world and forever cast off our chains.

Communist Caucus: Our Statement

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Groundwork

From its statement

Groundwork Link

Democratic Socialists of America's public reach, formal political power, and ability to turn ordinary people into organizers now give it the unique potential to build the mass party.

Read the source evidenceLink

Democratic Socialists of America's public reach, formal political power, and ability to turn ordinary people into organizers now give it the unique potential to build the mass party.

DSA Will Be The Party: DSA built the only mass socialist organization in the US because of things only DSA can do, not in spite of them. Our public reach, formal political power, and ability to turn ordinary people into organizers now give us the unique potential to build the mass party.

Groundwork: Groundwork Points of Unity

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Groundwork is a group of Democratic Socialists of America members organizing to change the Democratic Socialists of America into a force strong enough to meaningfully influence politics on the scale of the next presidential election, potential general strike, and whatever other national ruptures may come.

Groundwork is a group of DSA members organizing to change DSA into what we all want but don’t have: a force strong enough to meaningfully influence politics on the scale of the next presidential election, potential general strike, and whatever other national ruptures may come.

Groundwork: Groundwork Points of Unity

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Reform & Revolution

From its statement

Reform & Revolution Link

DSA is being built into a force capable of carrying out a socialist transformation of society.

Read the source evidenceLink

DSA is being built into a force capable of carrying out a socialist transformation of society.

Reform & Revolution (R&R) is a Marxist caucus in DSA. We are building DSA into a force capable of carrying out a socialist transformation of society: a revolution to smash the capitalist state and build a workers’ state.

Reform & Revolution: Points of Unity

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The group is organizing to build the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) into a mass socialist party capable of winning over millions of workers to Marxist politics through independent working class organization and popular campaigns rooted in clear socialist messaging.

We are organizing to build DSA into a mass socialist party, one capable of winning over millions of workers to Marxist politics through independent working class organization and popular campaigns rooted in clear socialist messaging. We envision a party that raises the horizon of the working class and confronts capitalism. We are building this party by employing the united front and transitional method, articulating our principles in word and action, and linking immediate demands and campaigns for reform to a revolutionary program for the conquest of power and socialist transformation of society. Our members are organizing across DSA, in unions, protest movements, electoral campaigns, and anti-imperialist struggle in service of our revolutionary goals.

Reform & Revolution: Points of Unity

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Libertarian Socialist Caucus

From its statement

Libertarian Socialist Caucus Link

DSA is an organization opposed to imperialism and genocide.

Read the source evidenceLink

DSA is an organization opposed to imperialism and genocide.

Support for regional movements against existing nation-state authorities may, in some cases, serve a critical purpose in fighting imperialism. When exploited working people join their powers against state oppression, they can build among themselves the potential for liberation and democracy. This potential is only realized through rejecting nationalism or a new imperialism. Our support for these movements is thus neither universal nor uncritical. There are many regional movements seeking a non-liberatory end or centering the subjugation of marginalized communities in their pursuit of separatism. Movements upholding libertarian socialism or radical democracy provide the most liberating vision in regions facing imperial exploitation. Socialist alignment is not a precondition for our support for liberatory action, as in our solidarity with the Palestinian people in their struggle against Zionist aggression. We affirm LSC as an explicitly anti-Zionist formation. We unequivocally believe that members who tangibly support Zionist causes have no place in DSA, an organization opposed to imperialism and genocide, to ensure our organization is a safe space for our Palestinian comrades.

Libertarian Socialist Caucus: Points of Unity

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The group encourages DSA members to see each other as part of a social and political community.

The socialist movement is strengthened when we work consciously against the atomization imposed by capital. In the words of Berenice Fisher and Joan Tronto, care is “the labor through which life maintains and thrives”. Capitalism undermines care as it seeks to commodify every aspect of human life, including our fundamental needs, grinding all health and life to dust to maintain its dominion. The resulting alienation not only harms the most vulnerable, it undermines our ability to act collectively and secure even the most modest progressive goals. As part and parcel of our struggle against capitalism, we reject all commodified visions of human existence and advocate for a holistic model of care that emphasizes building and strengthening community ties, cooperation, and solidarity. We especially value care work in our organization, and encourage DSA members to see each other as part of a social as well as political community. Our collective responsibility in a democratic mass organization like DSA is to ensure that our comrades, regardless of social barriers like disability or identity, are given an equal right to participate and be heard without fear of danger to their personal safety or well-being. This is especially true when our actions as individuals are imperative for doing so, like through masking at meetings, attending to the physical needs of our comrades where necessary, or directly responding to acts of racism, misogyny, or transphobia from DSA members toward our shared community.

Libertarian Socialist Caucus: Points of Unity

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Marxist Unity Group

From its statement

Marxist Unity Group Link

Marxist Unity Group will work to increase Democratic Socialists of America acting as a nationwide organization.

Read the source evidenceLink

Marxist Unity Group will work to increase Democratic Socialists of America acting as a nationwide organization.

Marxist Unity Group will work to increase DSA acting as a nationwide organization. We will build nationwide collaboration and debate through DSA’s national committees and also through developing a lively party press. We support efforts to lift chapters out of parochialism by increasing member communication across chapter lines, maintaining staffing levels required to make member-led organizing possible at the national level while ensuring fair pay and working conditions, and by integrating locals into larger state-level organizations. It is also why we want DSA to run an organized slate of socialist candidates to contest the House of Representatives. By conducting principled agitation in the halls of Congress, socialists can deliver a common message to every corner of the country. While we use the federal government as a bully pulpit, our candidates could also use their public profiles to support state and municipal organizing efforts. Federal, state, and local struggles—strikes, electoral campaigns, and mass demonstrations—will all be fused together in one grand movement that demands nothing less than a working-class, socialist revolution.

Marxist Unity Group: Seven Points of Unity

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The Marxist Unity Group strives to transform the DSA into an independent socialist party.

Marxist Unity Group strives to transform DSA into an independent socialist party. Independence means establishing a distinct public profile for DSA with our own platform, branding, and rhetoric. It also means building our own institutions and our own party discipline in the halls of power. We would stand with unwavering confidence in our cause, never watering down our socialist vision or subordinating our interests to those of a capitalist party.

Marxist Unity Group: Seven Points of Unity

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Bread & Roses

From its statement

Bread & Roses Link

Until class struggle and unity can support a mass working-class party, Bread and Roses sees DSA as a pre-party organization, one of many groups developing the forces necessary to build that party.

Read the source evidenceLink

Until class struggle and unity can support a mass working-class party, Bread and Roses sees DSA as a pre-party organization, one of many groups developing the forces necessary to build that party.

We are for a mass working-class party that contests elections and builds movements. To legitimately represent the working class, such a party must be born out of a level of class struggle and unity far greater than exists today. Until such a time arrives, we see DSA as a pre-party organization, one of many groups working to develop the forces necessary to build such a party. To do so, we need an oppositional electoral strategy that remains completely independent from the Democratic Party apparatus. Such a strategy must reject the idea that socialists can capture the Democratic Party and instead seek to break unions and social movements from their current dependence on the Democratic Party establishment.

Bread & Roses: Where We Stand

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Bread and Roses believes the Democratic Socialists of America is an important building block for a future mass workers’ party.

We choose DSA as our political home because it is the largest socialist organization in the United States, and has the potential for mass appeal across the left wing of the working class, and is committed to democratic socialism. We believe that socialism will not be desirable or viable if it is not democratic. DSA is also our political home because DSA’s “big-tent” nature is essential for this moment of socialist rebirth, because of its democratic membership-driven structure, and because we believe DSA is an important building block for a future mass workers’ party.

Bread & Roses: Where We Stand

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Caracol

From its statement

Caracol Link

Commits to endorsing, supporting, and seeking out candidates and proposals for DSA elections that understand and are aligned with degrowth ecosocialist principles.

Read the source evidenceLink

Commitment to endorsing, supporting, and seeking out candidates and proposals for DSA elections that understand and are aligned with degrowth ecosocialist principles.

Endorsing, supporting, and seeking out candidates and proposals for DSA elections that understand and are aligned with degrowth ecosocialist principles.

Caracol: Points of Unity

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Commitment to continue political education projects while implementing DSA’s theory of change to build a mass movement for a radical Green New Deal.

We must agitate for the post-carbon, post-capitalist systems we want now, continuing political education projects while implementing DSA’s theory of change to build a mass movement for a radical Green New Deal (Aronoff et al. 2019, Ajl 2021, DSA Ecosocialist Working Group 2019).

Caracol: Points of Unity

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Emerge

From its statement

Emerge Link

Given its strategic position between movements, labor, and the state, DSA should be a connective tissue of the left ecosystem and a strong collaborator and leader.

Read the source evidenceLink

Given its strategic position between movements, labor, and the state, DSA should be a connective tissue of the left ecosystem and a strong collaborator and leader.

Given our strategic position between movements, labor, and the state, DSA should be a connective tissue of the left ecosystem and a strong collaborator and leader. This means forging broad coalitions and developing new DSA members by organizing at existing and emergent sites of working class struggle.

Emerge: Points of Unity

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DSA should forge broad coalitions and develop new DSA members by organizing at existing and emergent sites of working class struggle.

Given our strategic position between movements, labor, and the state, DSA should be a connective tissue of the left ecosystem and a strong collaborator and leader. This means forging broad coalitions and developing new DSA members by organizing at existing and emergent sites of working class struggle.

Emerge: Points of Unity

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Campaign proposals and revolutionary openings

Campaign proposals and revolutionary openings Link

Springs of Revolution's proposals on repression and movement resilience appear alongside other revolutionary organizing strategies, including Reform & Revolution's simultaneous mass and revolutionary-core work. Proposal language and the word 'revolution' partly drive this heterogeneous cluster. It is not a single adopted policy or a distinct ideological camp.

Springs of Revolution

From its statement

Springs of Revolution Link

Springs of Revolution's R-22 resolution proposes developing strategies to protect the movement and build resilience against state repression.

Read the source evidenceLink

Springs of Revolution's R-22 resolution proposes developing strategies to protect the movement and build resilience against state repression.

FOR A FIGHTING ANTI-ZIONIST DSA (R-22) This resolution builds on the electoral standards of the Anti-Zionist Resolution introduced by Ahmed H. and passed by the 2023-2025 National Political Committee and over 56 DSA chapters, continuing to provide a material counterweight to the Zionist lobby. Our resolution expands uptake of the Stop Fueling Genocide, No Appetite for Apartheid, and Mask Off Maersk campaigns; establishes an Arms Embargo Steering Committee to increase coordination across labor, legislative, and community organizing efforts to disrupt the flow of weapons to Israel; supports chapters in pursuing divestment through pressure campaigns and ballot initiatives; and develops strategies to protect the movement and build resilience against state repression.

Springs of Revolution: Platform

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Springs of Revolution argues that political movements must build resilience to endure.

Revolutionary springs throughout history teach us that momentary ruptures do not, on their own, ready the working class to seize control of their lives and their futures. Without disciplined political organization, even the most ambitious movements buckle under the weight of repression. To endure, we must build resilience. Most of our work happens during the quiet moments between the ruptures: building from below, neighbor to neighbor; together taking on the long-term struggle from which a new world may spring.

Springs of Revolution: Platform

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Reform & Revolution

From its statement

Reform & Revolution Link

Reform & Revolution aims to address crises of organization, leadership, and consciousness by simultaneously building mass campaigns and broader socialist organizations while developing a revolutionary core within those struggles.

Read the source evidenceLink

Reform & Revolution aims to address crises of organization, leadership, and consciousness by simultaneously building mass campaigns and broader socialist organizations while developing a revolutionary core within those struggles.

The fragmentation and disorientation of Marxist forces in the wake of the bureaucratic ossification and collapse of the Soviet Union poses a challenge for the revolutionary left. However, the growth of new left formations and new terrains of class struggle present enormous opportunities. Our period is characterized by crises of organization, leadership, and consciousness, which together form a Triple Crisis. R&R aims to tackle this Triple Crisis by carrying out a Dual Task, the approach of simultaneously building mass campaigns and broader socialist organizations, while also developing the revolutionary core within those struggles.

Reform & Revolution: Points of Unity

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The Dual Task involves simultaneously building mass campaigns and broader socialist organizations, while also developing the revolutionary core within those struggles.

The fragmentation and disorientation of Marxist forces in the wake of the bureaucratic ossification and collapse of the Soviet Union poses a challenge for the revolutionary left. However, the growth of new left formations and new terrains of class struggle present enormous opportunities. Our period is characterized by crises of organization, leadership, and consciousness, which together form a Triple Crisis. R&R aims to tackle this Triple Crisis by carrying out a Dual Task, the approach of simultaneously building mass campaigns and broader socialist organizations, while also developing the revolutionary core within those struggles.

Reform & Revolution: Points of Unity

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Emerge

From its statement

Emerge Link

Antifascist organizing is fundamental to building bonds in ongoing collective struggle and keeping attuned to possibilities for revolutionary breaks.

Read the source evidenceLink

Antifascist organizing is fundamental to building bonds in ongoing collective struggle and keeping attuned to possibilities for revolutionary breaks.

Emerge members work in their local communities within organizations like labor unions, tenant unions, and community safety networks, building avenues for working class autonomy and class struggle independent of the nonprofit industrial complex. Emerge also builds with street movements to practice security culture and self defense, both to stand our communal ground and to prepare for direct action in crisis. We believe antifascist organizing is fundamental to building bonds in ongoing collective struggle and keeping attuned to possibilities for revolutionary breaks.

Emerge: Points of Unity

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An emergent strategy draws from global liberation movements while adapting to present circumstances.

Our emergent strategy draws from global liberation movements while adapting to present circumstances.

Emerge: Points of Unity

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Libertarian Socialist Caucus

From its statement

Libertarian Socialist Caucus Link

Supports movements to gain counterpower and autonomy within the imperial system to the extent that those movements embody a liberatory vision.

Read the source evidenceLink

Support for movements to gain counterpower and autonomy within the imperial system to the extent that those movements embody a liberatory vision.

While American imperialism has dominated the shape of international relations, other powers have influenced global and regional politics to lesser degrees. Their political and economic interests frequently intersect with those of Empire, to the ultimate detriment of the global working class. Imperialism establishes distinct structural relationships when perpetrated by nation-states at lower stages of economic development or less central positions of power within international relations. We oppose the oppressive structure of the current international order and aim to support movements to topple existing powers, build and sustain popular and socialist power, or otherwise gain counterpower and autonomy within the imperial system to the extent that those movements embody a liberatory vision. Any nation-state, as a territorial monopoly on legitimized force, uses exploitation to preserve and reproduce its authority. Organizing in the imperial core, we hold a key strategic position in the international struggle. As we seek to organize the marginalized and dispossessed, we agitate for the recognition of our shared struggle with the working classes of the global periphery. Resistance in both core and periphery against imperialism can threaten its foundations.

Libertarian Socialist Caucus: Points of Unity

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Support for regional movements against existing nation-state authorities may, in some cases, serve a critical purpose in fighting imperialism.

Support for regional movements against existing nation-state authorities may, in some cases, serve a critical purpose in fighting imperialism. When exploited working people join their powers against state oppression, they can build among themselves the potential for liberation and democracy. This potential is only realized through rejecting nationalism or a new imperialism. Our support for these movements is thus neither universal nor uncritical. There are many regional movements seeking a non-liberatory end or centering the subjugation of marginalized communities in their pursuit of separatism. Movements upholding libertarian socialism or radical democracy provide the most liberating vision in regions facing imperial exploitation. Socialist alignment is not a precondition for our support for liberatory action, as in our solidarity with the Palestinian people in their struggle against Zionist aggression. We affirm LSC as an explicitly anti-Zionist formation. We unequivocally believe that members who tangibly support Zionist causes have no place in DSA, an organization opposed to imperialism and genocide, to ensure our organization is a safe space for our Palestinian comrades.

Libertarian Socialist Caucus: Points of Unity

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Socialist Majority Caucus

From its statement

Socialist Majority Caucus Link

Popular movements against oppression are being built and powerful coalitions are being formed.

Read the source evidenceLink

Popular movements against oppression are being built and powerful coalitions are being formed.

6. We are building popular movements against oppression and forming powerful coalitions.

Socialist Majority Caucus: Points of Unity

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Marxist Unity Group

From its statement

Marxist Unity Group Link

Demand a New Republic and finish Reconstruction.

Read the source evidenceLink

Demand a New Republic and finish Reconstruction.

7. Demand a New Republic, Finish Reconstruction.

Marxist Unity Group: Seven Points of Unity

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Commitment to dismantle the slaveholder constitution and write the founding documents of the new republic.

Alongside ecological and economic crises, the minoritarian and sclerotic constitutional order will contribute to massive political crises in the coming decades. This period of crisis will provide our class with an opportunity to topple the old order and convene a revolutionary Popular Assembly: a majoritarian constitutional convention elected by all the people. Under the democratic leadership of a victorious socialist party, the Popular Assembly will proceed to construct the socialist order. It will dismantle the slaveholder constitution and write the founding documents of the new republic.

Marxist Unity Group: Seven Points of Unity

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Communist Caucus

From its statement

Communist Caucus Link

Reforms can be helpful for revolutionary organizing.

Read the source evidenceLink

Reforms can be helpful for revolutionary organizing.

Reforms are consequences of the power we build. Our goal is not to win reforms; our goal is instead to foment the strength and organization necessary to transcend capitalism. The world that we have inherited is in crisis and capitalism must be overcome. Aiming for specific reforms will diminish our organizing, make us unprepared for intensive mass movements against the system, and can even prevent the resurgence of working class power from transforming the unbearable conditions of our lives. This is not to say that we are against the advent of reforms. On the contrary, reforms can bolster working class confidence, raise expectations for different and better futures, and help position anti-capitalism in a wider discourse. Yet if our strategy becomes reducible to reforms, we lose sight of the possibility for a new world. We also risk reducing our horizons to such a degree that serious reforms become impossible to achieve. This is the paradox of reformism that we must avoid: reforms can be helpful for revolutionary organizing, but if they become the object of our political vision the possibility of obtaining them recedes further into the distant horizon.

Communist Caucus: Our Statement

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Bread & Roses

From its statement

Bread & Roses Link

No eligible claims assigned to this theme in the sampled statement. This does not mean opposition.

Caracol

From its statement

Caracol Link

No eligible claims assigned to this theme in the sampled statement. This does not mean opposition.

Groundwork

From its statement

Groundwork Link

No eligible claims assigned to this theme in the sampled statement. This does not mean opposition.

North Star

From its statement

North Star Link

No eligible claims assigned to this theme in the sampled statement. This does not mean opposition.

Red Star

From its statement

Red Star Link

No eligible claims assigned to this theme in the sampled statement. This does not mean opposition.

Winter Caucus

From its statement

Winter Caucus Link

No eligible claims assigned to this theme in the sampled statement. This does not mean opposition.

Capitalism and economic exploitation

Capitalism and economic exploitation Link

The statements describe capitalism through exploitation, class division, and concentrated economic power. Caracol connects accumulation to externalized social and ecological costs; Emerge describes exploitation of the working class. Sharing this vocabulary does not imply agreement on how to replace capitalism.

Reform & Revolution

From its statement

Reform & Revolution Link

Society is divided between the ruling class, who own the means of production, and the working class, who live by the sale of their labor and their bodies.

Read the source evidenceLink

Society is divided between the ruling class, who own the means of production, and the working class, who live by the sale of their labor and their bodies.

We are Marxists. We recognize that society is divided between the ruling class, who own the means of production, and the working class, who live by the sale of their labor and their bodies. The vast majority of people fall into the working or – proletarian – class. Capitalists are constantly working to lower wages so that they can make even larger profits for themselves. To resist this tendency, the working class organizes into unions and political parties to fight for our immediate interests, including better wages and working conditions.

Reform & Revolution: Points of Unity

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Society is currently organized with a division between the ruling class, who own the means of production, and the working class, who live by the sale of their labor and their bodies.

This is how society is currently organized, but it has not always been this way, and it will not be this way forever. As Marxists, we work to expand working class struggle beyond the fight for immediate material interests into the realm of revolutionary politics. We view history as the unfolding of class struggle, and we fight to bring about the end of not only capitalism, but all forms of class society.

Reform & Revolution: Points of Unity

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Communist Caucus

From its statement

Communist Caucus Link

Capitalism can be overthrown.

Read the source evidenceLink

Capitalism can be overthrown.

We live in an age of intense capitalist crises that appear everywhere. Environmental destruction; stagnating wages and rising costs for workers; rapid displacement; violent police management of Black and brown people; brutal objectification of feminized workers; excessive working hours for those on salary; high levels of debt; the explosion of mental health problems among us; everyday social isolation; and an anti-democratic radical right bent on establishing minority rule — all of these are symptoms of today’s capitalist disaster. Some time ago, our class maintained solidarities based in the factory, in the neighborhood, and in common ways of life. These solidarities gave us access to at least some collectively shared life essentials. Collective access to essentials protected us from unpredictable changes in the market, such as housing insecurity or rising expenses. Decades of counter-revolution have destroyed most of these bonds. We have been turned into isolated individuals. We are left with few organic connections between us. As a consequence, we are forced to rely on the capitalist market for almost everything. More market-dependent than ever, the ongoing crisis of capitalism now makes itself appear in every facet of life. We feel caught in a paradox: our era seems apocalyptic, while at the same time capitalism seems indestructible. But the opposite is true. The world has yet to end, and capitalism can be overthrown.

Communist Caucus: Our Statement

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Internal separations and inequalities of power exist between people under capitalism.

Despite our shared condition as part of the working class, our individual experiences are often different. This is a main feature of working class life. We experience class society through racialized and gendered identities; according to work types like blue collar, white collar, and unwaged labor; and through our full-time, part-time, or unemployed status. Internal separations and inequalities of power between us are fundamental features of life under capitalism. Racialized and gendered oppressions are intensified and fortified by our class subordination. If we expect, through the articulation of economistic reforms, that such oppressions will resolve themselves, we end up with a flat, insufficient form of the class struggle that cannot lead to liberation. We must be vigilant in navigating the contradictions generated by these internal divisions, and build real class power, not by pretending that these divisions don’t exist, but by acknowledging and confronting their historical reality, which means supporting the struggles and demands of oppressed factions of the working-class.

Communist Caucus: Our Statement

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Bread & Roses

From its statement

Bread & Roses Link

Capitalism pits workers against each other.

Read the source evidenceLink

Capitalism pits workers against each other.

Capitalism stokes racial, national, and gender oppression to keep working people divided and to justify exploitation. And by creating an intense competition for jobs, housing, and decent schools, the capitalist system pits workers against each other and makes prejudiced ideas seem plausible.

Bread & Roses: Where We Stand

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Capitalism divides people into classes that determine what they get and what they have to do to survive.

Capitalism is a system built on exploitation, one in which people are divided into classes that determine what they get and what they have to do to survive. On top, the capitalist class — a tiny minority made up of owners of major corporations and powerful managers — dominates society. The profit and rent they live off of comes from the vast majority of the population on the bottom: the working class.

Bread & Roses: Where We Stand

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Socialist Majority Caucus

From its statement

Socialist Majority Caucus Link

Mass socialist politics involves organizing millions of everyday working-class and oppressed people to fight capitalism.

Read the source evidenceLink

Mass socialist politics involves organizing millions of everyday working-class and oppressed people to fight capitalism.

We don't just want to talk about a better world—we have a duty to win power and start building it now. As materialists, we measure the success of our work and its adherence to socialist principles in terms of material outcomes—real changes to people's lives, and quantifiable power and organizing scale for both the socialist movement and the broader working class. We want to win, and winning necessitates mass socialist politics: organizing millions of everyday working-class and oppressed people to fight capitalism, build movements, and transform the political terrain.

Socialist Majority Caucus: Points of Unity

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Capitalism is a global system.

Capitalism is a global system—one that we seek to replace with an international, ecologically sustainable, socialist society, in which goods are produced and distributed democratically based on need and where security is determined collectively. Today, we must sow the seeds of a democratic socialist future by building relationships with a variety of leftist parties and mass organizations around the world, including those fighting against authoritarianism, fascism and imperialism.

Socialist Majority Caucus: Points of Unity

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Winter Caucus

From its statement

Winter Caucus Link

Capitalism is a system based on exploitation.

Read the source evidenceLink

Capitalism is a system based on exploitation.

Capitalism is a system based on exploitation, one that robs us of our time, freedom, dignity, and creativity. Every day the capitalist class increases its rule over our lives, not only in our workplaces, but with respect to where we live, how we receive care for our health and well-being, who controls our public institutions – even our free time to enjoy the first days of spring, play with our kids, or be there for our loved ones in times of need. On a global scale, the endless pursuit of profit threatens humanity with the specter of economic crisis, ecological catastrophe, and war.

Winter Caucus: Statement of Principles

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Capitalism robs people of their time, freedom, dignity, and creativity.

Capitalism is a system based on exploitation, one that robs us of our time, freedom, dignity, and creativity. Every day the capitalist class increases its rule over our lives, not only in our workplaces, but with respect to where we live, how we receive care for our health and well-being, who controls our public institutions – even our free time to enjoy the first days of spring, play with our kids, or be there for our loved ones in times of need. On a global scale, the endless pursuit of profit threatens humanity with the specter of economic crisis, ecological catastrophe, and war.

Winter Caucus: Statement of Principles

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Libertarian Socialist Caucus

From its statement

Libertarian Socialist Caucus Link

Capitalist systems rely on social domination.

Read the source evidenceLink

Capitalist systems rely on social domination.

We are revolutionary socialists first and foremost. Our ultimate vision for society is incompatible with all forms of capitalism, markets, and economic exploitation. We reject false visions of liberation that seek to preserve private ownership of capital. These systems rely on social domination, and dictatorial interests will invariably manipulate them at every point to limit popular and democratic power. Community ownership of the means of production requires both worker control over the day-to-day conditions of their workplace, and democratic governance of our social and political systems. Libertarian socialists have experimented with different economic models, from syndicalism and cooperative economies, to municipalization and socialization. We recognize that democracy in production must be matched with democracy in all spheres of life, and structures of economic planning must be integrated with broader democratic political structures, from tenant unions to public assemblies to local and municipal government.

Libertarian Socialist Caucus: Points of Unity

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Capitalism uses hierarchies of social division such as heteropatriarchy and white supremacy to fracture the unity of the masses and further consolidate power into the hands of the few.

We oppose all systems of exploitation. Capitalism uses hierarchies of social division such as heteropatriarchy and white supremacy to fracture the unity of the masses and further consolidate power into the hands of the few. Our goal is the liberation of all people, which means we see all struggles against oppression as part of our own. At the same time, we cannot reduce all forms of struggle to class struggle alone, and we recognize the need for careful and specific understanding of how these systems of exploitation interact. We most effectively organize the working class, history shows, by embracing the specificity of groups, whether racial, ethnic, religious, sexual, or otherwise, across lines of difference. Regardless of how we act, our class enemies will continue to attempt to weaponize identity as a means of dividing members of the working class. Such action can only be remedied through direct attention to the needs and experiences of targeted minority groups rather than ignoring their plight to uphold a mirage of uncomplicated unity. Building a socialist future that liberates everyone will require us to dismantle more systems of social oppression than capitalism alone.

Libertarian Socialist Caucus: Points of Unity

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Caracol

From its statement

Caracol Link

The dynamic of exploitation within capitalism—the profit motive—drives endless accumulation of capital wealth by externalizing its social and ecological costs.

Read the source evidenceLink

The dynamic of exploitation within capitalism—the profit motive—drives endless accumulation of capital wealth by externalizing its social and ecological costs.

Capitalism is a political and economic world-system that derives value from the exploitation of labor and natural resources. Its dynamic of exploitation— (the profit motive — drives endless accumulation, or growth, of capital wealth by externalizing its social and ecological costs. In turn, these costs have resulted in a planetary ecological crisis, of which climate change is a part.

Caracol: Points of Unity

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Capitalism is a political and economic world-system that derives value from the exploitation of labor and natural resources.

Capitalism is a political and economic world-system that derives value from the exploitation of labor and natural resources. Its dynamic of exploitation— (the profit motive — drives endless accumulation, or growth, of capital wealth by externalizing its social and ecological costs. In turn, these costs have resulted in a planetary ecological crisis, of which climate change is a part.

Caracol: Points of Unity

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Emerge

From its statement

Emerge Link

The working class is exploited by the capitalist class.

Read the source evidenceLink

The working class is exploited by the capitalist class.

Our framework: The need for working class revolution in our lifetime is urgent. Our world’s resources should be used for the wellbeing of all people — but instead, oligarchs enrich themselves at the expense of our lives and the planet. As the working class is exploited by the capitalist class, so too is the Global South by the Global North. Imperialism and colonialism continue to appropriate the bodies and ecologies of the peoples of the world to develop the excesses of Western society.

Emerge: Points of Unity

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To combat capitalism, it is necessary to confront imperialism.

Accordingly, Emerge seeks to incorporate anti-imperialism in DSA’s labor activism and legislative campaigns. Rather than enabling the unequal dynamics of world trade to benefit U.S. workers alone, we must grow the militancy and solidarity of our labor movement so it opposes oligarchy and colonialism everywhere. Likewise, we must advocate not just for “green growth” for the West, but for ecosocialist policy built on principles of just global transition and respect for all life. Beyond working to improve the lives of Americans, our elected officials should publicly oppose the endless warfare and sanctions the U.S.-led regime exports around the globe. To combat capitalism we must confront imperialism.

Emerge: Points of Unity

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Groundwork

From its statement

Groundwork Link

Only an unapologetic left can point mass outrage where it belongs: at capitalists.

Read the source evidenceLink

Only an unapologetic left can point mass outrage where it belongs: at capitalists.

Socialism Beats Fascism: Only an unapologetic left can wage the popular ideological warfare it takes to shatter the overton window, stop the fascist scapegoating of trans people, immigrants, women, and near everyone else, and point mass outrage where it belongs: capitalists.

Groundwork: Groundwork Points of Unity

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Marxist Unity Group

From its statement

Marxist Unity Group Link

The maximum program refers to a world free of the market, borders, classes, and all other oppressive structures that exist under capitalism, which is communism.

Read the source evidenceLink

The maximum program refers to a world free of the market, borders, classes, and all other oppressive structures that exist under capitalism, which is communism.

Marxist Unity Group works towards adopting a minimum-maximum program for DSA. We view both the "minimum" and "maximum" program as essential. The minimum program refers to the party’s comprehensive platform: the policies that it will immediately implement upon taking power to establish working-class political rule and place society on the path of a socialist transition out of capitalism. The maximum program refers to the results of this process: a world free of the market, borders, classes, and all other oppressive structures that exist under capitalism—in a word, communism. Centering programmatic politics will restore the sense of unity and purpose that socialists enjoyed during the Sanders campaigns. However, our program will have much more ambitious aims, and instead of belonging to a single candidate, it will be developed democratically by the entire socialist movement.

Marxist Unity Group: Seven Points of Unity

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The armed forces of international capital—the prison industrial complex, police, and the military—will be replaced by a democratic and popular militia, flowing from the working class and the oppressed’s organs of self-defense established under capitalism.

As we wage immediate struggles against repressive capitalist institutions like police departments and ICE, a socialist vision for abolitionism requires concrete, programmatic commitment to alternative, radically democratic political institutions, recognizing that abolition is impossible without the working class taking state power into its own hands. The racist militarized border regime will be replaced by an open border, with complete freedom of movement for all peoples and universal citizenship for residents. The armed forces of international capital—the prison industrial complex, police, and the military—will be replaced by a democratic and popular militia, flowing from the working class and the oppressed’s organs of self-defense established under capitalism—defined by the right to bear arms, the sovereignty of the people, universal service and training, and a rigorous community control coexisting with the democratic rights of members.

Marxist Unity Group: Seven Points of Unity

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Red Star

From its statement

Red Star Link

Crises are continually generated by inept governance that attempts to suppress class conflict and prop up an unsustainable capitalism or hegemony by force.

Read the source evidenceLink

Crises are continually generated by inept governance that attempts to suppress class conflict and prop up an unsustainable capitalism or hegemony by force.

Revolutionary situations are generated primarily by the intersection of two factors: by a sustained crisis in the system, and an organization (or organizations) being capable of exploiting that crisis. These crises are continually generated by any inept governance that attempts to suppress class conflict and prop up an unsustainable capitalism or hegemony by force, and include economic crisis, climate change, and war. In 2020 alone, we experienced a triple crisis of a pandemic, a collapse in employment, and a nationwide uprising against police violence. However, even in this acute moment of crisis, there was not a revolutionary situation.

Red Star: Points of Unity

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Revolutionary situations are generated primarily by the intersection of two factors: a sustained crisis in the system, and an organization (or organizations) being capable of exploiting that crisis.

Revolutionary situations are generated primarily by the intersection of two factors: by a sustained crisis in the system, and an organization (or organizations) being capable of exploiting that crisis. These crises are continually generated by any inept governance that attempts to suppress class conflict and prop up an unsustainable capitalism or hegemony by force, and include economic crisis, climate change, and war. In 2020 alone, we experienced a triple crisis of a pandemic, a collapse in employment, and a nationwide uprising against police violence. However, even in this acute moment of crisis, there was not a revolutionary situation.

Red Star: Points of Unity

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North Star

From its statement

North Star Link

Opposes predatory capitalism in which the capitalist class controls obscene levels of wealth and capital and monopolizes economic decision-making to serve its own private interests.

Read the source evidenceLink

Opposition to predatory capitalism in which the capitalist class controls obscene levels of wealth and capital and monopolizes economic decision-making to serve its own private interests.

We are democratic socialists because we believe that democracy—decision-making by the people—is the best answer to the issues facing the economy and society as a whole. We oppose the reign of predatory capitalism in which the capitalist class controls obscene levels of wealth and capital and monopolizes economic decision-making to serve its own private interests.

North Star: Statement of Principles

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The vast economic inequalities of class and race must be addressed by the democratization of the economy.

Finally, to ensure that the economy serves the common good, not just the interests of the wealthy, a democratic socialist economy has meaningful regulation of all economic enterprises. Democratizing the economy, by our definition, entails environmental responsibility, with an eye to the global future and not the immediate bottom line. Also, the vast economic inequalities of class and race we experience today must be addressed by the democratization of the economy.

North Star: Statement of Principles

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Springs of Revolution

From its statement

Springs of Revolution Link

No eligible claims assigned to this theme in the sampled statement. This does not mean opposition.

Class struggle, division and solidarity

Class struggle, division and solidarity Link

Class struggle is a framework for understanding political change and the divisions organizing must confront. Reform & Revolution describes history through class struggle, while Winter says liberation must involve the whole working class. The cluster also contains debate over oppression, constitutional institutions, and the limits of coalitions.

Communist Caucus

From its statement

Communist Caucus Link

Opposes all institutions that block working class power.

Read the source evidenceLink

Opposition to all institutions that block working class power.

We oppose all institutions that block working class power. Engaging in struggle reveals enemies beyond the boss and landlord, who directly attack working class organization or who attempt to steer it away from power. Some enemies have already become clear. This includes police departments, the Democratic and Republican Parties, those union officials who seek an accommodation with capital, and nonprofit organizations that co-opt and redirect social movement militancy. There are those, like the Republican Party, who obviously oppose us. Others, such as those in control of the Democratic Party, hide their opposition behind false acts of goodwill. They publicly advocate policies that are said to reduce harm. But their real goal is expressed in their relationship with Goldman Sachs and other capitalist institutions: to manage capitalism more efficiently as an alternative to replacing it. Their paternalistic harm-reduction schemes can never replace, and will often decay, working class power.

Communist Caucus: Our Statement

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Supporting the struggles and demands of oppressed factions of the working-class is necessary.

Despite our shared condition as part of the working class, our individual experiences are often different. This is a main feature of working class life. We experience class society through racialized and gendered identities; according to work types like blue collar, white collar, and unwaged labor; and through our full-time, part-time, or unemployed status. Internal separations and inequalities of power between us are fundamental features of life under capitalism. Racialized and gendered oppressions are intensified and fortified by our class subordination. If we expect, through the articulation of economistic reforms, that such oppressions will resolve themselves, we end up with a flat, insufficient form of the class struggle that cannot lead to liberation. We must be vigilant in navigating the contradictions generated by these internal divisions, and build real class power, not by pretending that these divisions don’t exist, but by acknowledging and confronting their historical reality, which means supporting the struggles and demands of oppressed factions of the working-class.

Communist Caucus: Our Statement

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Winter Caucus

From its statement

Winter Caucus Link

Recognition that struggles for liberation concern – and must be waged by – the entire working class.

Read the source evidenceLink

Recognition that struggles for liberation concern – and must be waged by – the entire working class.

Class struggle is the primary force behind social and political change. Solidarity as a whole working class is necessary to confront the capitalist class that uses prejudices to divide us so we never stand up to them. We oppose identity politics not because we oppose struggles for the liberation of groups from particular forms of oppression, or deny the existence of those oppressions. We recognize that these struggles concern – and so must be waged by – the entire working class.

Winter Caucus: Statement of Principles

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Class struggle is a global struggle.

Class struggle is a global struggle. Capitalism and the struggle against it are not constrained by borders. If we are to confront capitalism and imperialism then socialists must organize as a global movement. Establishing relationships with socialist and workers’ parties around the world is essential to our common fight against global capitalism and neoliberalism. Socialists abroad, many of whom are leading successful movements in their own nations, have invaluable perspectives and experience that cannot be ignored. We want to create a common understanding and movement as a single working class across all borders and languages.

Winter Caucus: Statement of Principles

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Reform & Revolution

From its statement

Reform & Revolution Link

History is viewed as the unfolding of class struggle.

Read the source evidenceLink

History is viewed as the unfolding of class struggle.

This is how society is currently organized, but it has not always been this way, and it will not be this way forever. As Marxists, we work to expand working class struggle beyond the fight for immediate material interests into the realm of revolutionary politics. We view history as the unfolding of class struggle, and we fight to bring about the end of not only capitalism, but all forms of class society.

Reform & Revolution: Points of Unity

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Marxists work to expand working class struggle beyond the fight for immediate material interests into the realm of revolutionary politics.

This is how society is currently organized, but it has not always been this way, and it will not be this way forever. As Marxists, we work to expand working class struggle beyond the fight for immediate material interests into the realm of revolutionary politics. We view history as the unfolding of class struggle, and we fight to bring about the end of not only capitalism, but all forms of class society.

Reform & Revolution: Points of Unity

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Marxist Unity Group

From its statement

Marxist Unity Group Link

Marxist Unity asserts there can be no question of submitting to a political order that exists to divide and conquer the working class, that slices up the government and divorces it from the will of the people—that is set in stone and almost impossible to amend.

Read the source evidenceLink

Marxist Unity asserts there can be no question of submitting to a political order that exists to divide and conquer the working class, that slices up the government and divorces it from the will of the people—that is set in stone and almost impossible to amend.

Marxist Unity opposes a constitution that was written by a "holy alliance" of capitalists and slavers to make the United States a perpetual oligarchy. There can be no question of submitting to a political order that exists to divide and conquer the working class, that slices up the government and divorces it from the will of the people—that is set in stone and almost impossible to amend. Black people cannot be free under a constitution written by slaveholders; indigenous people cannot win sovereignty under a constitution designed to facilitate their elimination; women cannot be free under a constitution written before they had the right to vote, and working people cannot be free under a constitution that enshrines private property. No one can be truly free if they are forced to bow to a reactionary constitution written by the dead. We want socialist leaders to erode the popular legitimacy of the U.S. Constitution through combative political agitation: never bowing to the old order, and always acknowledging the need for a working class revolution in the United States.

Marxist Unity Group: Seven Points of Unity

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Abolition is impossible without the working class taking state power into its own hands.

As we wage immediate struggles against repressive capitalist institutions like police departments and ICE, a socialist vision for abolitionism requires concrete, programmatic commitment to alternative, radically democratic political institutions, recognizing that abolition is impossible without the working class taking state power into its own hands. The racist militarized border regime will be replaced by an open border, with complete freedom of movement for all peoples and universal citizenship for residents. The armed forces of international capital—the prison industrial complex, police, and the military—will be replaced by a democratic and popular militia, flowing from the working class and the oppressed’s organs of self-defense established under capitalism—defined by the right to bear arms, the sovereignty of the people, universal service and training, and a rigorous community control coexisting with the democratic rights of members.

Marxist Unity Group: Seven Points of Unity

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Libertarian Socialist Caucus

From its statement

Libertarian Socialist Caucus Link

Agitation for the recognition of a shared struggle with the working classes of the global periphery.

Read the source evidenceLink

Agitation for the recognition of a shared struggle with the working classes of the global periphery.

While American imperialism has dominated the shape of international relations, other powers have influenced global and regional politics to lesser degrees. Their political and economic interests frequently intersect with those of Empire, to the ultimate detriment of the global working class. Imperialism establishes distinct structural relationships when perpetrated by nation-states at lower stages of economic development or less central positions of power within international relations. We oppose the oppressive structure of the current international order and aim to support movements to topple existing powers, build and sustain popular and socialist power, or otherwise gain counterpower and autonomy within the imperial system to the extent that those movements embody a liberatory vision. Any nation-state, as a territorial monopoly on legitimized force, uses exploitation to preserve and reproduce its authority. Organizing in the imperial core, we hold a key strategic position in the international struggle. As we seek to organize the marginalized and dispossessed, we agitate for the recognition of our shared struggle with the working classes of the global periphery. Resistance in both core and periphery against imperialism can threaten its foundations.

Libertarian Socialist Caucus: Points of Unity

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Class enemies will continue to attempt to weaponize identity as a means of dividing members of the working class.

We oppose all systems of exploitation. Capitalism uses hierarchies of social division such as heteropatriarchy and white supremacy to fracture the unity of the masses and further consolidate power into the hands of the few. Our goal is the liberation of all people, which means we see all struggles against oppression as part of our own. At the same time, we cannot reduce all forms of struggle to class struggle alone, and we recognize the need for careful and specific understanding of how these systems of exploitation interact. We most effectively organize the working class, history shows, by embracing the specificity of groups, whether racial, ethnic, religious, sexual, or otherwise, across lines of difference. Regardless of how we act, our class enemies will continue to attempt to weaponize identity as a means of dividing members of the working class. Such action can only be remedied through direct attention to the needs and experiences of targeted minority groups rather than ignoring their plight to uphold a mirage of uncomplicated unity. Building a socialist future that liberates everyone will require us to dismantle more systems of social oppression than capitalism alone.

Libertarian Socialist Caucus: Points of Unity

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Springs of Revolution

From its statement

Springs of Revolution Link

Movement growth occurs through ruptures that emerge from the anger of the working class.

Read the source evidenceLink

Movement growth occurs through ruptures that emerge from the anger of the working class.

As students and veterans of prior springs of revolution — from the Arab Spring and Occupy Wall Street to the George Floyd uprisings and Student Intifada — we know that our movement grows through ruptures that emerge from the anger of the working class and deep, intentional organizing that identifies, agitates, and escalates on key working class issues. Decisive action taken at the right moment ignites each spring of revolution and expands the political imagination of the working class. We transform ourselves as we transform the world around us.

Springs of Revolution: Platform

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Revolutionary springs throughout history teach that momentary ruptures do not, on their own, ready the working class to seize control of their lives and their futures.

Revolutionary springs throughout history teach us that momentary ruptures do not, on their own, ready the working class to seize control of their lives and their futures. Without disciplined political organization, even the most ambitious movements buckle under the weight of repression. To endure, we must build resilience. Most of our work happens during the quiet moments between the ruptures: building from below, neighbor to neighbor; together taking on the long-term struggle from which a new world may spring.

Springs of Revolution: Platform

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Bread & Roses

From its statement

Bread & Roses Link

Winning socialism will require a protracted struggle against the ruling class in the United States.

Read the source evidenceLink

Winning socialism will require a protracted struggle against the ruling class in the United States.

Winning socialism will require a protracted struggle against the ruling class in the United States. But the struggle for socialism is also international. The power of the world’s ruling classes is protected by the imperialist policies of our government, among others. As socialists in the U.S., we have a heightened responsibility to fight against all forms of military intervention. That means that socialists in office should rally workers against our government’s wars, not vote to fund the military or arms deals.

Bread & Roses: Where We Stand

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Some groups treat oppression as principally a consequence of bad ideas rather than of the structures of capitalism, and prioritize shaming working people to get them to change their behavior.

Finally, the importance of class unity also leads us to oppose a perspective common in some radical circles and rampant among liberals. These groups treat oppression as principally a consequence of bad ideas rather than of the structures of capitalism, and as a result they prioritize shaming working people to get them to change their behavior. These activists also often claim to speak on behalf of whole groups of people whom they do not represent, and refuse to build unity with workers who they deem to be “privileged”. These anti-solidaristic practices undermine struggles against exploitation and oppression by dividing our forces. It’s necessary to defeat racism and sexism inside the working class — but this can’t be done effectively without positive appeals to shared class interests. If we want to defeat the capitalist class, we need to unite the working-class majority.

Bread & Roses: Where We Stand

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Emerge

From its statement

Emerge Link

Present society rests on division of the working class through identity-based oppression, upheld by the carceral state.

Read the source evidenceLink

Present society rests on division of the working class through identity-based oppression, upheld by the carceral state.

Our present society rests on division of the working class through identity-based oppression, upheld by the carceral state. Incarceration, criminalization, and police violence are tactics forged from slavery to visibly keep the marginalized in line, disproportionately targeting Black and brown people. Therefore, we stake our struggle for a communist horizon in abolition, as it unites those whose oppressions intersect: Indigenous, Black, and brown people; women; trans and queer people; disabled people; immigrant, undocumented, and colonized people; sex workers and others outside of the formal economy; and the currently and formerly incarcerated.

Emerge: Points of Unity

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The need for working class revolution is urgent within a lifetime.

Our framework: The need for working class revolution in our lifetime is urgent. Our world’s resources should be used for the wellbeing of all people — but instead, oligarchs enrich themselves at the expense of our lives and the planet. As the working class is exploited by the capitalist class, so too is the Global South by the Global North. Imperialism and colonialism continue to appropriate the bodies and ecologies of the peoples of the world to develop the excesses of Western society.

Emerge: Points of Unity

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Groundwork

From its statement

Groundwork Link

Giving up on state power consigns the global working class to ecocidal suffering and death.

Read the source evidenceLink

Giving up on state power consigns the global working class to ecocidal suffering and death.

Seize State Power: Only the state can operate at the speed and scale to transform our economy from an engine of extinction to a tool of liberation. Giving up on state power is just giving up, consigning the global working class to ecocidal suffering and death unseen.

Groundwork: Groundwork Points of Unity

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North Star

From its statement

North Star Link

Neoliberal policies—austerity, privatization, deregulation and corporate-dominated globalization—have led to the devastation of large swaths of the working class.

Read the source evidenceLink

Neoliberal policies—austerity, privatization, deregulation and corporate-dominated globalization—have led to the devastation of large swaths of the working class.

To defeat the Republicans, we should recognize that the Democratic Party’s embrace of neoliberal policies—austerity, privatization, deregulation and corporate-dominated globalization—plays a role in the rise of racist, far-right populism. These policies have led to the decimation of unions in the United States and to the devastation of large swaths of the working class. We believe that a clear, unequivocal break with neoliberal policies is needed to defeat Trumpism and the authoritarian politics of the Republican Party.

North Star: Statement of Principles

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Solidarity among working people, essential to the democratic socialist project, will not be achieved unless divisions among working people caused by oppression are explicitly addressed and eliminated.

That is why we support the Black Lives Matter movement, which works to end mass incarceration and police violence against people of color. We support the fundamental human rights of women to reproductive freedom and of LGBTQIA people to the free choice of partners, including in marriage. Moreover, the solidarity among working people that is essential to the democratic socialist project will not be achieved unless divisions among working people caused by such oppression are explicitly addressed and eliminated.

North Star: Statement of Principles

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Red Star

From its statement

Red Star Link

The Class includes all members of the working class and all oppressed peoples.

Read the source evidenceLink

The Class includes all members of the working class and all oppressed peoples.

To knit these pain points and protest movements into something coherent is to form the party superstructure. Our goal is to build the skeleton of a democratic mass organization capable of sustaining and exploiting those situations in our favor. Red Star takes a “3 Scale” approach to this strategy. These scales are the Center, the smallest and most ideologically coherent of the three scales; the Party, a broad, democratic membership organization; and the Class, all members of the working class and all oppressed peoples. The internal Party dimension involves organizing to create democratic structures in DSA and allow for the growth of member organizing skills. The external Class dimension entails the transformation of DSA to support movement struggles outside of its primary concerns, to expand the basis of its ability to represent the class.

Red Star: Points of Unity

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Only the working class itself can decide who the party is.

While our horizon is revolutionary, our immediate task within DSA is building the party – the organization through which the working class can organize to fight the class war. At present, DSA does not meet our standards for a revolutionary party, but it has potential. Besides being divided between incompatible visions for the organization, DSA does not represent the entire working class, nor does it have the confidence of the entire working class. Because only the working class itself can decide who the party is, there is no list of discrete steps for creating the party. We can, however, make DSA into an organization capable of fulfilling the historical role of an organization that empowers the U.S. left & working class to be capable of Party formation.

Red Star: Points of Unity

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Caracol

From its statement

Caracol Link

The current image of modern technology is unsustainable and oppressive to the working class.

Read the source evidenceLink

The current image of modern technology is unsustainable and oppressive to the working class.

There can be no question whether modern technologies will be deployed in service of a degrowth transition. Instead, the question is which ones and at what scales. While one and the same technology can be used for various ends, different technologies are nevertheless conditioned by, and condition further, different historical trajectories — a fact that socialists cannot stand to ignore. The status quo whereby tech capitalists innovate first and let society deal with the consequences second has produced a particular image of modern technology that is both unsustainable and oppressive to the working class. One timely example of this is greenwashing by corporations and captured governments promoting false solutions in the form of growth-enabling technologies, including forms of carbon capture and storage (CCS) such as direct air capture (DACCS) and bioenergy carbon capture and storage (BECCS) (CIEL, 2021). Thus, we call for democratic control over technological research, development, manufacturing, and rollout.

Caracol: Points of Unity

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Socialist feminism highlights that reproductive labor is never valuable in itself for capitalism.

For capitalism, reproductive labor — the unpaid work of caring for others — is valued only insofar as it is exploitable in market exchange. Socialist feminism highlights that reproductive labor is never valuable in itself for capitalism. We believe that many forms of labor are intrinsically valuable and ought to be socially recognizable as such.

Caracol: Points of Unity

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Socialist Majority Caucus

From its statement

Socialist Majority Caucus Link

A popular front alone cannot liberate the working class from capitalism.

Read the source evidenceLink

A popular front alone cannot liberate the working class from capitalism.

To win socialism, we must keep the far right from power, preventing a suspension of democracy and working-class organizing. This requires participating in a popular front against the right in general elections. We know a popular front alone cannot liberate the working class from capitalism, so we must also advance socialist politics by fighting corporate Democrats in primaries, highlighting the shortcomings of liberalism while offering a political alternative.

Socialist Majority Caucus: Points of Unity

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DSA strategy and internal debate

DSA strategy and internal debate Link

These claims address how DSA should change its organization and electoral practice. Groundwork emphasizes bottom-up democratic mechanisms; Marxist Unity Group proposes independent legislative caucuses even on a Democratic ballot line; Bread & Roses seeks independence from the Democratic apparatus. Critiques of internal culture and organizational limits also enter this broad theme.

Groundwork

From its statement

Groundwork Link

Building the democratic mechanisms whose lack has paralyzed DSA for years can change DSA from patchwork to party.

Read the source evidenceLink

Building the democratic mechanisms whose lack has paralyzed DSA for years can change DSA from patchwork to party.

Mass Party, Mass Democracy: Only true, bottom-up member buy-in can change DSA from patchwork to party. It’s time to build the democratic mechanisms whose lack has paralyzed DSA for years, and enable rank & file members to make defining political decisions through votes.

Groundwork: Groundwork Points of Unity

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Only true, bottom-up member buy-in can change DSA from patchwork to party.

Mass Party, Mass Democracy: Only true, bottom-up member buy-in can change DSA from patchwork to party. It’s time to build the democratic mechanisms whose lack has paralyzed DSA for years, and enable rank & file members to make defining political decisions through votes.

Groundwork: Groundwork Points of Unity

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Red Star

From its statement

Red Star Link

At present, DSA does not meet standards for a revolutionary party, but it has potential.

Read the source evidenceLink

At present, DSA does not meet standards for a revolutionary party, but it has potential.

While our horizon is revolutionary, our immediate task within DSA is building the party – the organization through which the working class can organize to fight the class war. At present, DSA does not meet our standards for a revolutionary party, but it has potential. Besides being divided between incompatible visions for the organization, DSA does not represent the entire working class, nor does it have the confidence of the entire working class. Because only the working class itself can decide who the party is, there is no list of discrete steps for creating the party. We can, however, make DSA into an organization capable of fulfilling the historical role of an organization that empowers the U.S. left & working class to be capable of Party formation.

Red Star: Points of Unity

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DSA is divided between incompatible visions for the organization.

While our horizon is revolutionary, our immediate task within DSA is building the party – the organization through which the working class can organize to fight the class war. At present, DSA does not meet our standards for a revolutionary party, but it has potential. Besides being divided between incompatible visions for the organization, DSA does not represent the entire working class, nor does it have the confidence of the entire working class. Because only the working class itself can decide who the party is, there is no list of discrete steps for creating the party. We can, however, make DSA into an organization capable of fulfilling the historical role of an organization that empowers the U.S. left & working class to be capable of Party formation.

Red Star: Points of Unity

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Winter Caucus

From its statement

Winter Caucus Link

In many places, DSA lacks the strength to properly engage in electoral politics.

Read the source evidenceLink

In many places, DSA lacks the strength to properly engage in electoral politics.

In many places, DSA lacks the strength to engage properly in electoral politics and campaigns can consume valuable resources that could be better used elsewhere. Building a strong movement outside of the electoral realm will make keeping socialist candidates accountable much easier and our movement more durable. Our electoral efforts should seek to reinforce and work in tandem with direct political confrontations with capitalists and their agents – unionization, democratization of existing unions, rent strikes, tenant unionization, etc.

Winter Caucus: Statement of Principles

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The lack of standards has led to DSA electeds capitulating to the Democratic Party on domestic policy issues.

We believe in running socialist candidates when and where our movement is strong enough so they’re actually subordinate to DSA. Endorsing progressives who employ a liberal theory of change once in office is counterproductive. The lack of standards has led to DSA electeds capitulating to the Democratic Party on domestic and foreign policy issues. DSA must field its own candidates, authentic socialists, who are subject to a high set of standards and democratic discipline while campaigning and in elected office. These candidates must pursue genuine oppositional politics and utilize the platform of political office to agitate for socialism, recruit to DSA, and drive people into organizing beyond the ballot box.

Winter Caucus: Statement of Principles

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Socialist Majority Caucus

From its statement

Socialist Majority Caucus Link

DSA’s greatest weakness is that it sometimes treats its members terribly.

Read the source evidenceLink

DSA’s greatest weakness is that it sometimes treats its members terribly.

We’ll never build a better world if we don’t build a welcoming, functional organization. DSA’s greatest strength is our vibrant, dynamic, democratic membership model. Its greatest weakness is that we sometimes treat each other terribly.

Socialist Majority Caucus: Points of Unity

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Socialist identitarianism moves DSA members away from mass work that grows the movement, and instead shrinks it by directing them inward toward increasingly abstract, sectarian, and power-averse politics.

Socialist identitarianism, on the other hand, is how we describe the tendency to treat DSA primarily as a space for the self-expression of socialist politics, and to measure the success of political work in terms of abstract ideas and individual moralism. Socialist identitarianism leads members to make decisions based on what impresses other self-described socialists or internally validates our socialist identity, not what advances real-world power and change for the working class. It orients our coalition building and recruitment toward already-organized socialists, instead of toward organizing the unorganized. This tendency moves DSA members away from mass work that grows our movement, and instead shrinks it by directing us inward toward increasingly abstract, sectarian, and power-averse politics.

Socialist Majority Caucus: Points of Unity

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North Star

From its statement

North Star Link

Factions in DSA should not put the interest of the caucus above the interest of the movement as a whole.

Read the source evidenceLink

Factions in DSA should not put the interest of the caucus above the interest of the movement as a whole.

Different factions in DSA can provide important representation of different political views and strategies, while working to improve DSA as an organization. That said, factions should not put the interest of the caucus above the interest of DSA as a whole, and even more importantly, above the interest of the movement as a whole.

North Star: Statement of Principles

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Some DSA members organize around issues beyond the scope of DSA’s work.

Returning to a politics of inclusion also means that nobody should be dismissed as a so-called paper member of DSA. This term has been used to write off material supporters who bring vital perspectives to and strengthen our cause. Different levels of participation in DSA are not only natural, but to be encouraged. Working-class people have jobs, lives and organizing responsibilities outside of DSA that take time and energy. Some bring a democratic socialist perspective to other community organizations, organize around issues beyond the scope of DSA’s work, or have busy careers working in other spaces. Whether or not members participate in DSA meetings is not necessarily an accurate measure of members’ commitment to or engagement with DSA. Members who, for example, join DSA out of support for high-profile democratic socialist figures must be included in decision-making, without imposing upon them our cultural expectations of in-person travel.

North Star: Statement of Principles

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Communist Caucus

From its statement

Communist Caucus Link

The DSA must be strategic without becoming dogmatic.

Read the source evidenceLink

The DSA must be strategic without becoming dogmatic.

The DSA should aim to organize working class people and cultivate a revolutionary militancy that will overthrow capitalism. To this end, we must build real, which is to say practical, solidarities between people. Building practical solidarities is done through action, not through words. Real solidarity will be made if we remain open to supporting different parts of our class as they become politically active. Since the future political activity of different parts of our class is unpredictable, we must always be prepared to change course, act on new situations, and remain ready to take necessary tactical risks. In other words, we must be strategic without becoming dogmatic. Doing so will ensure that we become powerful together, and it is only together that we may endeavor to create a new world.

Communist Caucus: Our Statement

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Leaders of the Democratic Party hide their opposition to working-class power behind false acts of goodwill.

We oppose all institutions that block working class power. Engaging in struggle reveals enemies beyond the boss and landlord, who directly attack working class organization or who attempt to steer it away from power. Some enemies have already become clear. This includes police departments, the Democratic and Republican Parties, those union officials who seek an accommodation with capital, and nonprofit organizations that co-opt and redirect social movement militancy. There are those, like the Republican Party, who obviously oppose us. Others, such as those in control of the Democratic Party, hide their opposition behind false acts of goodwill. They publicly advocate policies that are said to reduce harm. But their real goal is expressed in their relationship with Goldman Sachs and other capitalist institutions: to manage capitalism more efficiently as an alternative to replacing it. Their paternalistic harm-reduction schemes can never replace, and will often decay, working class power.

Communist Caucus: Our Statement

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Libertarian Socialist Caucus

From its statement

Libertarian Socialist Caucus Link

DSA members should not allow their politics to passively fall by the wayside during their work within unions.

Read the source evidenceLink

DSA members should not allow their politics to passively fall by the wayside during their work within unions.

We believe DSA members should not hide their affiliation with the socialist movement during the course of their work within unions, nor should they allow their politics to passively fall by the wayside. Socialist labor organizers should openly identify themselves as such and advocate earnestly for democratic, militant unions, but we must be careful not to subordinate union activity to DSA’s other political priorities, or take a hostile or sectarian approach toward existing reform movements. Socialists outside the labor movement must also take an active role in aiding labor struggles through mutual aid and direct action. We must distinguish ourselves not by separating ourselves from our coworkers or from sections of labor that may not identify as socialist, but through our contributions to workplace struggles and our commitment to democracy, working-class militancy, open dialogue, and solidarity.

Libertarian Socialist Caucus: Points of Unity

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The Libertarian Socialist Caucus’s vision is not hegemonic within DSA and is unlikely to become so in the immediate future.

We value an organization that welcomes a wide range of theoretical and practical approaches. DSA provides a unique and historically significant forum to build a body that supports intra-left cooperation. We recognize that LSC’s vision is not hegemonic within the organization and is unlikely to become so in the immediate future. While we agitate for a DSA which sees the state as an enemy and hostile terrain for socialists, we emphasize open dialogue between all socialist tendencies as an indispensable investigative method in the class struggle. Unity, in vision or in action, must be forged through conversation, persuasion, and the experience of shared struggle, not forced through parliamentary procedure. This commitment to work across our differences creates a strong foundation for developing a revolutionary mass movement, rather than splintering into a fractured milieu of competing sects and NGOs.

Libertarian Socialist Caucus: Points of Unity

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Springs of Revolution

From its statement

Springs of Revolution Link

The unified-endorsement amendment proposes abolishing DSA's two-tier endorsement process, which separates local chapter endorsements from the NPC's national endorsement.

Read the source evidenceLink

The unified-endorsement amendment proposes abolishing DSA's two-tier endorsement process, which separates local chapter endorsements from the NPC's national endorsement.

This amendment abolishes DSA’s current two-tiers endorsement process, which separates the local endorsements conferred by chapters and the national endorsement conferred by the NPC, and replaces it with a unified endorsement process whereby electoral candidates endorsed by their local chapter will be considered endorsed by DSA as a whole. This new process will standardize endorsement criteria across chapters, establish a consistent endorsement revocation process applicable to all endorsed candidates, and make all endorsed candidates eligible to benefit from the full power of DSA’s mass membership and national organization.

Springs of Revolution: Platform

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The dues-share resolution proposes guardrails against cutting dues share if the organization's financial health worsens.

Dues share enables our local chapters to pursue ambitious campaigns, maintain equitable membership engagement, and build roots in their communities. This resolution doubles the local chapter’s share of dues to 40% of all dues income by 2027 and thereafter, giving our locals the resources they need to build and sustain new organizing. The resolution also ratifies and increases our national reserves policy to stabilize our national budget, gives chapters the option to receive monthly disbursements, and sets guardrails against cutting dues share in the event of worsening financial health in the organization.

Springs of Revolution: Platform

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Marxist Unity Group

From its statement

Marxist Unity Group Link

Even if DSA candidates are elected on a Democratic ballot line, they should form their own legislative caucuses, vote as a bloc, and refuse to join the Democratic Party caucus.

Read the source evidenceLink

Even if DSA candidates are elected on a Democratic ballot line, they should form their own legislative caucuses, vote as a bloc, and refuse to join the Democratic Party caucus.

Democratic discipline is acutely necessary in elected office, where socialists are often operating behind enemy lines yet tasked with representing socialism to the working class. If DSA candidates are truly dedicated to socialist politics, they should run together on a common DSA platform. Even if some are elected on a Democratic ballot line, they should form their own legislative caucuses, vote as a bloc, and refuse to join the Democratic Party caucus. They should also campaign for other socialists, refuse to endorse non-socialists, and only take the wage of a typical union worker. Through this type of discipline, our candidates will rise as "tribunes of the people": organized representatives of the socialist movement.

Marxist Unity Group: Seven Points of Unity

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DSA candidates should campaign for other socialists, refuse to endorse non-socialists, and only take the wage of a typical union worker.

Democratic discipline is acutely necessary in elected office, where socialists are often operating behind enemy lines yet tasked with representing socialism to the working class. If DSA candidates are truly dedicated to socialist politics, they should run together on a common DSA platform. Even if some are elected on a Democratic ballot line, they should form their own legislative caucuses, vote as a bloc, and refuse to join the Democratic Party caucus. They should also campaign for other socialists, refuse to endorse non-socialists, and only take the wage of a typical union worker. Through this type of discipline, our candidates will rise as "tribunes of the people": organized representatives of the socialist movement.

Marxist Unity Group: Seven Points of Unity

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Bread & Roses

From its statement

Bread & Roses Link

An oppositional electoral strategy independent from the Democratic Party apparatus must reject the idea that socialists can capture the Democratic Party and instead seek to break unions and social movements from their dependence on the Democratic Party establishment.

Read the source evidenceLink

An oppositional electoral strategy independent from the Democratic Party apparatus must reject the idea that socialists can capture the Democratic Party and instead seek to break unions and social movements from their dependence on the Democratic Party establishment.

We are for a mass working-class party that contests elections and builds movements. To legitimately represent the working class, such a party must be born out of a level of class struggle and unity far greater than exists today. Until such a time arrives, we see DSA as a pre-party organization, one of many groups working to develop the forces necessary to build such a party. To do so, we need an oppositional electoral strategy that remains completely independent from the Democratic Party apparatus. Such a strategy must reject the idea that socialists can capture the Democratic Party and instead seek to break unions and social movements from their current dependence on the Democratic Party establishment.

Bread & Roses: Where We Stand

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Support for an oppositional electoral strategy that remains completely independent from the Democratic Party apparatus.

We are for a mass working-class party that contests elections and builds movements. To legitimately represent the working class, such a party must be born out of a level of class struggle and unity far greater than exists today. Until such a time arrives, we see DSA as a pre-party organization, one of many groups working to develop the forces necessary to build such a party. To do so, we need an oppositional electoral strategy that remains completely independent from the Democratic Party apparatus. Such a strategy must reject the idea that socialists can capture the Democratic Party and instead seek to break unions and social movements from their current dependence on the Democratic Party establishment.

Bread & Roses: Where We Stand

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Caracol

From its statement

Caracol Link

Supports DSA’s Green New Deal Principles and a commitment to expand upon them with their work, as they omit points critical to addressing the climate and broader ecological crisis.

Read the source evidenceLink

Support for DSA’s Green New Deal Principles and a commitment to expand upon them with their work, as they omit points critical to addressing the climate and broader ecological crisis.

We endorse DSA’s Green New Deal Principles and seek to expand upon them with our work, as they omit points that are critical to addressing the climate and broader ecological crisis. Transitioning to 100% renewable energy sources and shoring up infrastructure for climate resilience and sustainability will require massive public investments of financial and material resources. However, the material intensity of the global energy transition must be reduced as much as possible through energy demand reduction and prioritizing electrified mass transit instead of private automobiles, among other approaches.

Caracol: Points of Unity

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Caracol DSA affirms the need for an improved and expanded Green New Deal—without growth.

Caracol DSA affirms the need for an improved and expanded Green New Deal—without growth.

Caracol: Points of Unity

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Emerge

From its statement

Emerge Link

No eligible claims assigned to this theme in the sampled statement. This does not mean opposition.

Reform & Revolution

From its statement

Reform & Revolution Link

No eligible claims assigned to this theme in the sampled statement. This does not mean opposition.

Democracy, parties and political power

Democracy, parties and political power Link

This overlapping theme combines organizational democracy with winning political power. Bread & Roses stresses member deliberation and voting; Socialist Majority discusses governing power and transformational reforms. These are related vocabularies, not interchangeable models of democracy or a consensus on the state.

Groundwork

From its statement

Groundwork Link

Prioritizing organizing can enable mass participation and recruitment into the party.

Read the source evidenceLink

Prioritizing organizing can enable mass participation and recruitment into the party.

Build To Win, Win To Build: Our victories today are only as good as the battlefields they open tomorrow. We must prioritize organizing to unite divided sections of the working class, enable mass participation and recruitment into the party, and build the power for even bigger wins.

Groundwork: Groundwork Points of Unity

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Such a mass political party can transform and run nations.

The only way to do so is to become a genuine, mass political party. An organization in the millions, that anyone whose values align with ours can easily hear about, understand, support, join, and learn to organize in. The kind that can transform and run nations.

Groundwork: Groundwork Points of Unity

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Winter Caucus

From its statement

Winter Caucus Link

The Democratic Party functions as a mechanism by which the ruling class can diffuse any popular energies that could be harnessed for building a truly democratic society.

Read the source evidenceLink

The Democratic Party functions as a mechanism by which the ruling class can diffuse any popular energies that could be harnessed for building a truly democratic society.

In America, capitalists dominate politics through the two major parties, many existing unions, any NGO that isn’t exclusively member-funded, and all charitable foundations. Meanwhile, the working class has no voice, much less control, at their individual places of employment or in the political arena. A working class takeover of the Democratic Party on the grounds that it is the “more progressive” of the two capitalist parties is a dead end. The Democratic Party’s underlying logic is dictated by the interests of capital, which are antagonistic to ours. This party’s role in capitalism is to function: 1) as a controlled opposition; and 2) be a mechanism by which the ruling class can diffuse any popular energies that could be harnessed for building a truly democratic society. We reject efforts by DSA chapters to contest Democratic Party leadership positions at the local level. We also reject ideas and groups that exist within DSA that channel our efforts into NGO coalitions where DSA is the junior partner and can only mobilize activists.

Winter Caucus: Statement of Principles

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Operating as a party will allow organizing to be more efficient.

Working people are hungry for a coherent alternative to the two-party sham. Therefore we must work to build a full-fledged political organization that encompasses far more than elections, one that provides coherence and direction to the various struggles of workers such that they take on a class, rather than merely sectional, character. Operating as a party will allow our organizing to be more efficient, to reach more people, and to operate on a larger scale.

Winter Caucus: Statement of Principles

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Red Star

From its statement

Red Star Link

The goal is to build a democratic mass organization capable of sustaining and exploiting crises in favor of the organization.

Read the source evidenceLink

The goal is to build a democratic mass organization capable of sustaining and exploiting crises in favor of the organization.

To knit these pain points and protest movements into something coherent is to form the party superstructure. Our goal is to build the skeleton of a democratic mass organization capable of sustaining and exploiting those situations in our favor. Red Star takes a “3 Scale” approach to this strategy. These scales are the Center, the smallest and most ideologically coherent of the three scales; the Party, a broad, democratic membership organization; and the Class, all members of the working class and all oppressed peoples. The internal Party dimension involves organizing to create democratic structures in DSA and allow for the growth of member organizing skills. The external Class dimension entails the transformation of DSA to support movement struggles outside of its primary concerns, to expand the basis of its ability to represent the class.

Red Star: Points of Unity

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Democracy is not when everybody gets to do whatever they want, but when members of a group vote as equals to bind themselves collectively and make decisions in line with democratically agreed upon principles.

Democracy is not when everybody gets to do whatever they want. It is when members of a group vote as equals to bind themselves collectively and make decisions in line with democratically agreed upon principles.

Red Star: Points of Unity

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Marxist Unity Group

From its statement

Marxist Unity Group Link

Supports the right of the working class to take power by any means necessary.

Read the source evidenceLink

Support for the right of the working class to take power by any means necessary.

The socialist revolution will not base its legitimacy on the laws of the slaveholder constitution. We will base it on a democratic majority mandate for socialism. This majority may be expressed by the popular vote of an election, but it does not have to take that form if the state represses our ability to contest elections. We stand for the right of the working class to take power by any means necessary. To win a socialist republic, millions of working people must be mobilized in their workplaces, at the ballot box, and in the street. We recognize that the capitalist class relies on the minoritarian rule of the U.S. Constitution, and they will not give it up peacefully. The working class will need armed self-defense to protect itself from the inevitable violence of reaction. We also recognize that we must fight for the democratic rights of enlisted U.S. soldiers. To complete a successful revolution, we must win a decisive section of the military rank and file over to our side.

Marxist Unity Group: Seven Points of Unity

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Commitment to finish the project of Reconstruction by establishing a multiracial and multinational democracy ruled by the toilers of society.

We fight the Constitution to win a democratic socialist republic in North America, to complete the partial overthrow of the constitutional order by the Civil War and the abolition of slavery, and to finish the project of Reconstruction by establishing a multiracial and multinational democracy ruled by the toilers of society. Forged in revolution, this continental republic will strive for the global liberation of all working and oppressed people. We desire the widest possible geographic scope for such a state so that it can most effectively carry out this mission, but we also recognize the principle of national self-determination. All indigenous and colonized peoples must win sovereignty, including those living within the current borders of the United States. No oppressed nation will be incorporated into the socialist republic against its will.

Marxist Unity Group: Seven Points of Unity

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Socialist Majority Caucus

From its statement

Socialist Majority Caucus Link

The group can achieve a radical democratization of politics, the economy, and society, in part, through winning governing power and passing transformational reforms for oppressed and working-class people.

Read the source evidenceLink

The group can achieve a radical democratization of politics, the economy, and society, in part, through winning governing power and passing transformational reforms for oppressed and working-class people.

Only a majoritarian, popular movement can pave the democratic road to a socialist revolution: a radical democratization of our politics, economy, and society. We can achieve this, in part, through winning governing power and passing transformational reforms for oppressed and working-class people, as well as through shop floor struggle in labor unions. We understand that the capitalist class will respond to advances by the working class with violence and repression—and we know that mass, democratic politics is our best defense.

Socialist Majority Caucus: Points of Unity

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The working class needs a mass party that can contest for state power.

4. The working class needs a mass party that can contest for state power.

Socialist Majority Caucus: Points of Unity

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North Star

From its statement

North Star Link

Belief in the deepening and extension of democracy.

Read the source evidenceLink

Belief in the deepening and extension of democracy.

WE ARE RADICAL DEMOCRATS WHO BELIEVE IN THE DEEPENING AND EXTENSION OF DEMOCRACY

North Star: Statement of Principles

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A democratic organization prioritizes consensus-building as a central principle of organization and governance.

DSA had previously been able to act without imposing a course of action upon members who were uncomfortable with it. We must go back to modeling a commitment to the democratic demands we place on society as a whole within our own structure and practices. A democratic organization prioritizes consensus-building as a central principle of organization and governance. More formal rules and procedures should be used only in the case of serious disagreement, not to stifle dissent or silence different points of view. DSA’s effectiveness as a broad-based organization that encourages participation depends upon the extent to which we reflect democratic principles in our own structure. For DSA to grow and thrive, any DSA member should be able to draw on their own experience in similar community-based structures—from neighborhood associations to local unions—to understand and participate in DSA.

North Star: Statement of Principles

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Bread & Roses

From its statement

Bread & Roses Link

A democratic organization is one in which members have power through collective political deliberation and voting.

Read the source evidenceLink

A democratic organization is one in which members have power through collective political deliberation and voting.

A democratic organization is one in which members have power through collective political deliberation and voting. Direct decision-making by a membership body is one part of this democracy, and members should also elect accountable representatives to act on their behalf. In these elections, candidates should run on platforms that allow members to vote for or against them on political grounds. Members should also be free to organize together on political grounds to promote their vision for the organization.

Bread & Roses: Where We Stand

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Support for a mass working-class party that contests elections and builds movements.

We are for a mass working-class party that contests elections and builds movements. To legitimately represent the working class, such a party must be born out of a level of class struggle and unity far greater than exists today. Until such a time arrives, we see DSA as a pre-party organization, one of many groups working to develop the forces necessary to build such a party. To do so, we need an oppositional electoral strategy that remains completely independent from the Democratic Party apparatus. Such a strategy must reject the idea that socialists can capture the Democratic Party and instead seek to break unions and social movements from their current dependence on the Democratic Party establishment.

Bread & Roses: Where We Stand

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Libertarian Socialist Caucus

From its statement

Libertarian Socialist Caucus Link

Advocacy for proportional representation in elected leadership.

Read the source evidenceLink

Advocacy for proportional representation in elected leadership.

Democracy is the means through which popular control is enacted, but it is not reducible to a specific given set of procedures or organizational structures. Its particular features and means must reflect material and social conditions. We support systems that develop strong, active rank-and-file participation, and reject systems that entrench and silo power, within DSA and outside it. We advocate for direct member assemblies, direct referenda and recall, transparency in leadership, proportional representation in elected leadership, and membership oversight over national bodies.

Libertarian Socialist Caucus: Points of Unity

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When exploited working people join their powers against state oppression, they can build among themselves the potential for liberation and democracy.

Support for regional movements against existing nation-state authorities may, in some cases, serve a critical purpose in fighting imperialism. When exploited working people join their powers against state oppression, they can build among themselves the potential for liberation and democracy. This potential is only realized through rejecting nationalism or a new imperialism. Our support for these movements is thus neither universal nor uncritical. There are many regional movements seeking a non-liberatory end or centering the subjugation of marginalized communities in their pursuit of separatism. Movements upholding libertarian socialism or radical democracy provide the most liberating vision in regions facing imperial exploitation. Socialist alignment is not a precondition for our support for liberatory action, as in our solidarity with the Palestinian people in their struggle against Zionist aggression. We affirm LSC as an explicitly anti-Zionist formation. We unequivocally believe that members who tangibly support Zionist causes have no place in DSA, an organization opposed to imperialism and genocide, to ensure our organization is a safe space for our Palestinian comrades.

Libertarian Socialist Caucus: Points of Unity

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Communist Caucus

From its statement

Communist Caucus Link

Organizing as a class improves the ability to force politicians to act.

Read the source evidenceLink

Organizing as a class improves the ability to force politicians to act.

Making demands of capital and the state are primarily useful when doing so organizes us as a class. Organizing as a class teaches us how to collectively fight and win. We learn how to sustain protracted strikes, occupations, blockades, and take-overs. We improve our ability to rout white supremacists, pressure bosses, force politicians to act, or reverse displacement. As we get organized, we build our capacity to fight and endure together. Our ability to become a collective force allows us to reclaim the dignity and autonomy that has been forcibly taken from us. We will seize control of the world that was built through our collective exploitation and domination. All of this we want, yet none can be had exclusively through the ballot box.

Communist Caucus: Our Statement

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Accessing power changes a political viewpoint by moderating demands and forcing acceptance of the rules of the state.

Building working class power in the long term calls for creating and sustaining bases of class power. This could mean building organizations such as new labor or tenant unions. It could also mean organizing within existing organizations, such as labor unions, and transforming them into weapons that our class can wield. Whatever the case, the process of building power is not the same as accessing capitalist state power. Unlike building power, accessing power changes our political viewpoint by moderating our demands and forcing us to accept the rules of the state. Rather than organizing active collectivities that struggle for the common good and remake our sense of collective belonging, accessing power can move us to accept passive political roles as citizen-subjects. We cannot accept the rules handed to us by capitalist society in the struggle for a new society. Concessions from the capitalist classes come as a response to our collective power.

Communist Caucus: Our Statement

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Emerge

From its statement

Emerge Link

Organizing aims to erode relationships of domination and build collective power.

Read the source evidenceLink

Organizing aims to erode relationships of domination and build collective power.

Our moment: At home and abroad, liberation movements resist the poverty and war the U.S. government imposes upon them. The world system ruled by 20th century capitalism is ending. If we are going to take a meaningful role in that transformation, we must engage in a parallel struggle, stitching together diverse social forces to organize a mass front against global imperialism and domestic carceral fascism. To construct a world-changing solidarity, we organize locally, identifying where class confrontation is already happening — in the street, at the ballot box, against prisons and detention centers, and in our neighborhoods. Our organizing aims to erode relationships of domination and build collective power, so that we may chart our shared destiny in unity.

Emerge: Points of Unity

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Debate, patient engagement, acknowledging harm, and seeking opportunities for growth deepen Emerge's politics.

We consider debate an important tool to develop our collective thought, and value disagreement as a sign of good faith engagement. We work to meet each other where we’re at with patience and a learning mindset, acknowledging harm when it occurs and seeking opportunities for growth. In doing so, we deepen our politics, our practice as organizers, and our bonds as comrades that will sustain us in the long fight we face together.

Emerge: Points of Unity

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Springs of Revolution

From its statement

Springs of Revolution Link

The unified-endorsement amendment proposes standardizing endorsement criteria across chapters.

Read the source evidenceLink

The unified-endorsement amendment proposes standardizing endorsement criteria across chapters.

This amendment abolishes DSA’s current two-tiers endorsement process, which separates the local endorsements conferred by chapters and the national endorsement conferred by the NPC, and replaces it with a unified endorsement process whereby electoral candidates endorsed by their local chapter will be considered endorsed by DSA as a whole. This new process will standardize endorsement criteria across chapters, establish a consistent endorsement revocation process applicable to all endorsed candidates, and make all endorsed candidates eligible to benefit from the full power of DSA’s mass membership and national organization.

Springs of Revolution: Platform

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The unified-endorsement amendment proposes establishing a consistent endorsement revocation process applicable to all endorsed candidates.

This amendment abolishes DSA’s current two-tiers endorsement process, which separates the local endorsements conferred by chapters and the national endorsement conferred by the NPC, and replaces it with a unified endorsement process whereby electoral candidates endorsed by their local chapter will be considered endorsed by DSA as a whole. This new process will standardize endorsement criteria across chapters, establish a consistent endorsement revocation process applicable to all endorsed candidates, and make all endorsed candidates eligible to benefit from the full power of DSA’s mass membership and national organization.

Springs of Revolution: Platform

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Caracol

From its statement

Caracol Link

Supports democratic control over technological research, development, manufacturing, and rollout.

Read the source evidenceLink

Support for democratic control over technological research, development, manufacturing, and rollout.

There can be no question whether modern technologies will be deployed in service of a degrowth transition. Instead, the question is which ones and at what scales. While one and the same technology can be used for various ends, different technologies are nevertheless conditioned by, and condition further, different historical trajectories — a fact that socialists cannot stand to ignore. The status quo whereby tech capitalists innovate first and let society deal with the consequences second has produced a particular image of modern technology that is both unsustainable and oppressive to the working class. One timely example of this is greenwashing by corporations and captured governments promoting false solutions in the form of growth-enabling technologies, including forms of carbon capture and storage (CCS) such as direct air capture (DACCS) and bioenergy carbon capture and storage (BECCS) (CIEL, 2021). Thus, we call for democratic control over technological research, development, manufacturing, and rollout.

Caracol: Points of Unity

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Support for a philosophy of convivial technology, which facilitates interpersonal connection, can be easily replicated by different people under different conditions, and can be managed democratically rather than technocratically.

We support a philosophy of convivial technology, that is, technologies that facilitate interpersonal connection, can be easily replicated by different people under different conditions, and can be managed democratically rather than technocratically (Vetter, 2018).

Caracol: Points of Unity

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Reform & Revolution

From its statement

Reform & Revolution Link

No eligible claims assigned to this theme in the sampled statement. This does not mean opposition.

Ecology and economic transformation

Ecology and economic transformation Link

Caracol explicitly links degrowth and ecosocialism; North Star connects economic democracy to environmental responsibility; Emerge calls for a just global transition rather than green growth for the West. The cluster includes broader language about material outcomes and transformation, not environmental claims alone.

Caracol

From its statement

Caracol Link

Securing a livable planet for future generations necessitates integrating degrowth and ecosocialism.

Read the source evidenceLink

Securing a livable planet for future generations necessitates integrating degrowth and ecosocialism.

Any future political economic system, including an ecosocialist one, cannot bring human activities to within sustainable planetary boundaries in perpetuity unless it purges endless economic growth as an economic policy goal and achieves physical equilibrium with its life-support ecosystems. Degrowth combines an empirically sound body of theory with a policy program for a sustainable future ecosocialist economy that is not reliant on the growth imperative. However, degrowth lacks a robust theory of class struggle and socio-political change. Therefore, securing a livable planet for the future generations necessitates integrating degrowth and ecosocialism. In short, each without the other is sure to fail.

Caracol: Points of Unity

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Degrowth is ecosocialist and centers ecological justice.

Degrowth is ecosocialist and centers ecological justice. The degrowth ecosocialism we espouse is class struggle-oriented because we know that sustainable degrowth is only possible by defeating the capitalist class with organized people power. Moreover, as degrowth ecosocialists we seek to abolish unjust systems of economic violence, incarceration, and the systemic racism inherent in racial capitalism. We affirm the need to replace institutions and concepts that legitimize overproduction and wealth hoarding for the rich with egalitarian, ecosocialist institutions and ecologically coherent social relations that can operate without economic growth.

Caracol: Points of Unity

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Emerge

From its statement

Emerge Link

The Global South is exploited by the Global North.

Read the source evidenceLink

The Global South is exploited by the Global North.

Our framework: The need for working class revolution in our lifetime is urgent. Our world’s resources should be used for the wellbeing of all people — but instead, oligarchs enrich themselves at the expense of our lives and the planet. As the working class is exploited by the capitalist class, so too is the Global South by the Global North. Imperialism and colonialism continue to appropriate the bodies and ecologies of the peoples of the world to develop the excesses of Western society.

Emerge: Points of Unity

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DSA should advocate for ecosocialist policy built on principles of just global transition and respect for all life, not just for “green growth” for the West.

Accordingly, Emerge seeks to incorporate anti-imperialism in DSA’s labor activism and legislative campaigns. Rather than enabling the unequal dynamics of world trade to benefit U.S. workers alone, we must grow the militancy and solidarity of our labor movement so it opposes oligarchy and colonialism everywhere. Likewise, we must advocate not just for “green growth” for the West, but for ecosocialist policy built on principles of just global transition and respect for all life. Beyond working to improve the lives of Americans, our elected officials should publicly oppose the endless warfare and sanctions the U.S.-led regime exports around the globe. To combat capitalism we must confront imperialism.

Emerge: Points of Unity

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Groundwork

From its statement

Groundwork Link

Only the state can operate at the speed and scale to transform the economy from an engine of extinction to a tool of liberation.

Read the source evidenceLink

Only the state can operate at the speed and scale to transform the economy from an engine of extinction to a tool of liberation.

Seize State Power: Only the state can operate at the speed and scale to transform our economy from an engine of extinction to a tool of liberation. Giving up on state power is just giving up, consigning the global working class to ecocidal suffering and death unseen.

Groundwork: Groundwork Points of Unity

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All decisions and analysis must start from the fundamental reality of the existential threat of the climate crisis and the rise of fascist power.

We Are Fighting The Clock: All decisions and analysis must start from our fundamental reality: the existential threat of the climate crisis, and the rise of fascist power. Urgency is not optional.

Groundwork: Groundwork Points of Unity

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Libertarian Socialist Caucus

From its statement

Libertarian Socialist Caucus Link

The Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) stated that one must “build the new world in the shell of the old”.

Read the source evidenceLink

The Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) stated that one must “build the new world in the shell of the old”.

Since as early as the late 19th and early 20th centuries, anarchist and libertarian socialist thought has stressed that enacting our vision of society requires us to first embody and exemplify that vision ourselves. In the words of the IWW, we must “build the new world in the shell of the old.” The points of unity below establish the basis for our program and platform as well as the goals, methods, and strategies by which we plan to achieve them.

Libertarian Socialist Caucus: Points of Unity

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The cascading collapse of worldwide ecosystems threatens even the basic ecological prerequisites the capitalist system requires for its self-perpetuation.

The world is swiftly approaching the point of global ecological collapse as we face a simultaneous crisis of the liberal state and of capitalism itself. Social reproduction and survival continue to grow more difficult, yet corporate profits continue to grow, and the cascading collapse of worldwide ecosystems threatens even the basic ecological prerequisites the capitalist system requires for its self-perpetuation. The role of the growth imperative in accelerating the world’s descent into climate apocalypse requires a response beyond the ability of the state to recognize or enact.

Libertarian Socialist Caucus: Points of Unity

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North Star

From its statement

North Star Link

Democratizing the economy entails environmental responsibility, with an eye to the global future and not the immediate bottom line.

Read the source evidenceLink

Democratizing the economy entails environmental responsibility, with an eye to the global future and not the immediate bottom line.

Finally, to ensure that the economy serves the common good, not just the interests of the wealthy, a democratic socialist economy has meaningful regulation of all economic enterprises. Democratizing the economy, by our definition, entails environmental responsibility, with an eye to the global future and not the immediate bottom line. Also, the vast economic inequalities of class and race we experience today must be addressed by the democratization of the economy.

North Star: Statement of Principles

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The United States must redirect its massive military spending to address underfunded human and environmental needs.

A democratic socialist foreign policy must be rooted in the reduction of military spending, advocacy of nuclear disarmament, and an end to interference in the affairs of other nations. The United States must redirect its massive military spending to address underfunded human and environmental needs and, in the process, restore the world disarmament movement, both for weapons of mass destruction and for conventional weapons. We support the use of peaceful, diplomatic means to resolve conflicts among nations wherever possible.

North Star: Statement of Principles

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Marxist Unity Group

From its statement

Marxist Unity Group Link

Resilient forms of production, distribution and habitation will be established.

Read the source evidenceLink

Resilient forms of production, distribution and habitation will be established.

Our broader economic program will include unimpeded labor and union rights, a massive reduction in working hours, and a truly universal welfare state that provides for all citizens from cradle to grave. We will create programs to reduce the power of bureaucrats and teach administrative skills to all workers. Worker self-management will be encouraged to the greatest extent achievable in every industry. Large industry will be placed under collective ownership early on, and we will progressively socialize the rest of the economy as we build our capacity for democratic economic planning. We will pursue crash course programs to address the ecological crisis and establish resilient forms of production, distribution and habitation. Climate refugees will be welcomed into our republic with open arms.

Marxist Unity Group: Seven Points of Unity

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Crash course programs will be pursued to address the ecological crisis.

Our broader economic program will include unimpeded labor and union rights, a massive reduction in working hours, and a truly universal welfare state that provides for all citizens from cradle to grave. We will create programs to reduce the power of bureaucrats and teach administrative skills to all workers. Worker self-management will be encouraged to the greatest extent achievable in every industry. Large industry will be placed under collective ownership early on, and we will progressively socialize the rest of the economy as we build our capacity for democratic economic planning. We will pursue crash course programs to address the ecological crisis and establish resilient forms of production, distribution and habitation. Climate refugees will be welcomed into our republic with open arms.

Marxist Unity Group: Seven Points of Unity

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Winter Caucus

From its statement

Winter Caucus Link

The endless pursuit of profit threatens humanity with economic crisis, ecological catastrophe, and war.

Read the source evidenceLink

The endless pursuit of profit threatens humanity with economic crisis, ecological catastrophe, and war.

Capitalism is a system based on exploitation, one that robs us of our time, freedom, dignity, and creativity. Every day the capitalist class increases its rule over our lives, not only in our workplaces, but with respect to where we live, how we receive care for our health and well-being, who controls our public institutions – even our free time to enjoy the first days of spring, play with our kids, or be there for our loved ones in times of need. On a global scale, the endless pursuit of profit threatens humanity with the specter of economic crisis, ecological catastrophe, and war.

Winter Caucus: Statement of Principles

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Winter will directly engage with people in the places they live and work.

In practice, we will keep ourselves rooted in forging class solidarity by prioritizing outward-facing organizing at points of class conflict, building member-funded and -directed organizations, and directly engaging with people in the places we live and work.

Winter Caucus: Statement of Principles

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Socialist Majority Caucus

From its statement

Socialist Majority Caucus Link

Material outcomes include real changes to people's lives.

Read the source evidenceLink

Material outcomes include real changes to people's lives.

We don't just want to talk about a better world—we have a duty to win power and start building it now. As materialists, we measure the success of our work and its adherence to socialist principles in terms of material outcomes—real changes to people's lives, and quantifiable power and organizing scale for both the socialist movement and the broader working class. We want to win, and winning necessitates mass socialist politics: organizing millions of everyday working-class and oppressed people to fight capitalism, build movements, and transform the political terrain.

Socialist Majority Caucus: Points of Unity

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Bread & Roses

From its statement

Bread & Roses Link

A need to make decisions about priorities and then commit to carrying them out.

Read the source evidenceLink

A need to make decisions about priorities and then commit to carrying them out.

We oppose horizontalist practices that distort democracy into a series of endless meetings, replace accountable leadership with the tyranny of structurelessness, and drain decisions of consequences. We must make decisions about priorities and then commit to carrying them out.

Bread & Roses: Where We Stand

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Communist Caucus

From its statement

Communist Caucus Link

No eligible claims assigned to this theme in the sampled statement. This does not mean opposition.

Red Star

From its statement

Red Star Link

No eligible claims assigned to this theme in the sampled statement. This does not mean opposition.

Reform & Revolution

From its statement

Reform & Revolution Link

No eligible claims assigned to this theme in the sampled statement. This does not mean opposition.

Springs of Revolution

From its statement

Springs of Revolution Link

No eligible claims assigned to this theme in the sampled statement. This does not mean opposition.

Labor organizing and working-class power

Labor organizing and working-class power Link

Union activity and other organizing are presented as foundations of working-class power. Socialist Majority stresses collective action on the shop floor; Marxist Unity Group emphasizes militant, democratic unions; the Communist Caucus discusses labor and tenant organizations. This cluster extends beyond workplace-only policy.

Communist Caucus

From its statement

Communist Caucus Link

Creating and sustaining bases of class power could mean building organizations such as new labor or tenant unions.

Read the source evidenceLink

Creating and sustaining bases of class power could mean building organizations such as new labor or tenant unions.

Building working class power in the long term calls for creating and sustaining bases of class power. This could mean building organizations such as new labor or tenant unions. It could also mean organizing within existing organizations, such as labor unions, and transforming them into weapons that our class can wield. Whatever the case, the process of building power is not the same as accessing capitalist state power. Unlike building power, accessing power changes our political viewpoint by moderating our demands and forcing us to accept the rules of the state. Rather than organizing active collectivities that struggle for the common good and remake our sense of collective belonging, accessing power can move us to accept passive political roles as citizen-subjects. We cannot accept the rules handed to us by capitalist society in the struggle for a new society. Concessions from the capitalist classes come as a response to our collective power.

Communist Caucus: Our Statement

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Creating and sustaining bases of class power could also mean organizing within existing organizations, such as labor unions, and transforming them into weapons that the class can wield.

Building working class power in the long term calls for creating and sustaining bases of class power. This could mean building organizations such as new labor or tenant unions. It could also mean organizing within existing organizations, such as labor unions, and transforming them into weapons that our class can wield. Whatever the case, the process of building power is not the same as accessing capitalist state power. Unlike building power, accessing power changes our political viewpoint by moderating our demands and forcing us to accept the rules of the state. Rather than organizing active collectivities that struggle for the common good and remake our sense of collective belonging, accessing power can move us to accept passive political roles as citizen-subjects. We cannot accept the rules handed to us by capitalist society in the struggle for a new society. Concessions from the capitalist classes come as a response to our collective power.

Communist Caucus: Our Statement

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Winter Caucus

From its statement

Winter Caucus Link

Building a full-fledged political organization encompassing more than elections will provide coherence and direction to workers' struggles, causing them to take on a class, rather than merely sectional, character.

Read the source evidenceLink

Building a full-fledged political organization encompassing more than elections will provide coherence and direction to workers' struggles, causing them to take on a class, rather than merely sectional, character.

Working people are hungry for a coherent alternative to the two-party sham. Therefore we must work to build a full-fledged political organization that encompasses far more than elections, one that provides coherence and direction to the various struggles of workers such that they take on a class, rather than merely sectional, character. Operating as a party will allow our organizing to be more efficient, to reach more people, and to operate on a larger scale.

Winter Caucus: Statement of Principles

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Workplace organizing and unions are an important vehicle for raising class consciousness.

Workplace organizing and unions are an important vehicle for raising class consciousness, developing fighting capacity, and building class organization. Socialists should support and participate in unionization, strikes, shop floor actions, negotiations, and union reform wherever such activities contribute to the above goals. But we must not stop there.

Winter Caucus: Statement of Principles

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Groundwork

From its statement

Groundwork Link

Prioritizing organizing can unite divided sections of the working class.

Read the source evidenceLink

Prioritizing organizing can unite divided sections of the working class.

Build To Win, Win To Build: Our victories today are only as good as the battlefields they open tomorrow. We must prioritize organizing to unite divided sections of the working class, enable mass participation and recruitment into the party, and build the power for even bigger wins.

Groundwork: Groundwork Points of Unity

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Forging stronger bonds with aligned unions is necessary.

More Labor, More Left: Only a left labor movement can build the foundation a mass party requires to take the power we need. We must forge stronger bonds with aligned unions, align unions that aren’t, and strategically build new unions where there are none.

Groundwork: Groundwork Points of Unity

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Socialist Majority Caucus

From its statement

Socialist Majority Caucus Link

Workers can overcome divisions, develop class consciousness, and build supermajorities that win material gains through collective action on the shop floor.

Read the source evidenceLink

Workers can overcome divisions, develop class consciousness, and build supermajorities that win material gains through collective action on the shop floor.

The shop floor is where workers can overcome divisions, develop class consciousness, and build supermajorities that win material gains through collective action.

Socialist Majority Caucus: Points of Unity

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Building a working-class party in the United States that can contest for power will require a coalition of labor unions, socialists, and progressive civic and religious organizations.

Building a working-class party in the United States that can contest for power will take more than DSA: it will require a coalition of labor unions, socialists, and progressive civic and religious organizations. Popular movements of oppressed people and their allies (e.g. the feminist, anti-racist, queer and trans rights, immigrant, climate, and disability justice movements) are integral to a majoritarian fight for socialism and democracy.

Socialist Majority Caucus: Points of Unity

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Springs of Revolution

From its statement

Springs of Revolution Link

Movement growth occurs through deep, intentional organizing that identifies, agitates, and escalates on key working class issues.

Read the source evidenceLink

Movement growth occurs through deep, intentional organizing that identifies, agitates, and escalates on key working class issues.

As students and veterans of prior springs of revolution — from the Arab Spring and Occupy Wall Street to the George Floyd uprisings and Student Intifada — we know that our movement grows through ruptures that emerge from the anger of the working class and deep, intentional organizing that identifies, agitates, and escalates on key working class issues. Decisive action taken at the right moment ignites each spring of revolution and expands the political imagination of the working class. We transform ourselves as we transform the world around us.

Springs of Revolution: Platform

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Dues share enables local chapters to pursue ambitious campaigns, maintain equitable membership engagement, and build roots in their communities.

Dues share enables our local chapters to pursue ambitious campaigns, maintain equitable membership engagement, and build roots in their communities. This resolution doubles the local chapter’s share of dues to 40% of all dues income by 2027 and thereafter, giving our locals the resources they need to build and sustain new organizing. The resolution also ratifies and increases our national reserves policy to stabilize our national budget, gives chapters the option to receive monthly disbursements, and sets guardrails against cutting dues share in the event of worsening financial health in the organization.

Springs of Revolution: Platform

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Bread & Roses

From its statement

Bread & Roses Link

To legitimately represent the working class, a mass working-class party that contests elections and builds movements must be born out of a level of class struggle and unity far greater than exists today.

Read the source evidenceLink

To legitimately represent the working class, a mass working-class party that contests elections and builds movements must be born out of a level of class struggle and unity far greater than exists today.

We are for a mass working-class party that contests elections and builds movements. To legitimately represent the working class, such a party must be born out of a level of class struggle and unity far greater than exists today. Until such a time arrives, we see DSA as a pre-party organization, one of many groups working to develop the forces necessary to build such a party. To do so, we need an oppositional electoral strategy that remains completely independent from the Democratic Party apparatus. Such a strategy must reject the idea that socialists can capture the Democratic Party and instead seek to break unions and social movements from their current dependence on the Democratic Party establishment.

Bread & Roses: Where We Stand

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The workplace brings workers of all backgrounds together and generates common interests that can be the basis for powerful movements.

The most critical task for socialists is to help develop a labor movement that is militant, left-wing, and democratic. Working-class people’s greatest strength is in the workplace because capitalists depend on the exploitation of labor to make their profits. And the workplace brings workers of all backgrounds together and generates common interests that can be the basis for powerful movements.

Bread & Roses: Where We Stand

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Reform & Revolution

From its statement

Reform & Revolution Link

To resist this tendency, the working class organizes into unions and political parties to fight for its immediate interests, including better wages and working conditions.

Read the source evidenceLink

To resist this tendency, the working class organizes into unions and political parties to fight for its immediate interests, including better wages and working conditions.

We are Marxists. We recognize that society is divided between the ruling class, who own the means of production, and the working class, who live by the sale of their labor and their bodies. The vast majority of people fall into the working or – proletarian – class. Capitalists are constantly working to lower wages so that they can make even larger profits for themselves. To resist this tendency, the working class organizes into unions and political parties to fight for our immediate interests, including better wages and working conditions.

Reform & Revolution: Points of Unity

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The growth of new left formations and new terrains of class struggle present enormous opportunities.

The fragmentation and disorientation of Marxist forces in the wake of the bureaucratic ossification and collapse of the Soviet Union poses a challenge for the revolutionary left. However, the growth of new left formations and new terrains of class struggle present enormous opportunities. Our period is characterized by crises of organization, leadership, and consciousness, which together form a Triple Crisis. R&R aims to tackle this Triple Crisis by carrying out a Dual Task, the approach of simultaneously building mass campaigns and broader socialist organizations, while also developing the revolutionary core within those struggles.

Reform & Revolution: Points of Unity

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Marxist Unity Group

From its statement

Marxist Unity Group Link

Within the labor movement, the Marxist Unity Group would fight the existing labor bureaucracy, build militant and democratic unions, and strive to win these unions to socialist politics.

Read the source evidenceLink

Within the labor movement, the Marxist Unity Group would fight the existing labor bureaucracy, build militant and democratic unions, and strive to win these unions to socialist politics.

Together, we would cultivate a popular mandate for revolution by running militant socialist candidates for public office—while simultaneously organizing grassroots institutions of working class power. We would create party-affiliated media, community services, mutual aid and defensive organizations. Within the labor movement, we would fight the existing labor bureaucracy, build militant and democratic unions, and strive to win these unions to socialist politics. As we nurture a vast ecosystem of socialist-allied institutions, our socialist party will simultaneously become a mass movement: a party-movement.

Marxist Unity Group: Seven Points of Unity

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With the shackles of the old order broken, the working class will have the power to remake society on egalitarian lines.

With the shackles of the old order broken, the working class will finally have the power to remake society on egalitarian lines. In cooperation with the global socialist movement, we will move closer with every passing year to a fully liberated classless society: communism. Communism abolishes money, class distinctions, racial discrimination, patriarchy, national boundaries, oppressive gender roles, the mental/manual division of labor, and all other forms of social oppression. It is a society truly based on the principle “from each according to their ability, to each according to their need,” where humanity collectively plans its economic activities through a free association of labor. Communism brings freedom to both society and the individual and will be the true beginning of human history.

Marxist Unity Group: Seven Points of Unity

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Libertarian Socialist Caucus

From its statement

Libertarian Socialist Caucus Link

Supports direct and concerted action that coordinates work both inside and outside the labor movement as a means of developing broader solidarity and power.

Read the source evidenceLink

Support for direct and concerted action that coordinates work both inside and outside the labor movement as a means of developing broader solidarity and power.

Connecting the labor movement to a larger revolutionary project rests at the core of our long-term efforts as socialists. As libertarian socialists, we believe workplaces should be organized according to the same directly democratic principles we advocate elsewhere. The state’s campaign to curtail organized labor has intentionally, and successfully, worked to sever unions from the revolutionary politics of their forebears. We aim to re-politicize the labor movement towards a true force for working class autonomy and independent economic and political power, and to strengthen organized labor at points of strategic importance. Further, we support direct and concerted action that coordinates work both inside and outside the labor movement as a means of developing broader solidarity and power.

Libertarian Socialist Caucus: Points of Unity

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Support for strengthening organized labor at points of strategic importance.

Connecting the labor movement to a larger revolutionary project rests at the core of our long-term efforts as socialists. As libertarian socialists, we believe workplaces should be organized according to the same directly democratic principles we advocate elsewhere. The state’s campaign to curtail organized labor has intentionally, and successfully, worked to sever unions from the revolutionary politics of their forebears. We aim to re-politicize the labor movement towards a true force for working class autonomy and independent economic and political power, and to strengthen organized labor at points of strategic importance. Further, we support direct and concerted action that coordinates work both inside and outside the labor movement as a means of developing broader solidarity and power.

Libertarian Socialist Caucus: Points of Unity

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Emerge

From its statement

Emerge Link

The working class must be actively built and unified through local organizing work, street movements, electoral projects, and coalition building.

Read the source evidenceLink

The working class must be actively built and unified through local organizing work, street movements, electoral projects, and coalition building.

The working class is not an existing force waiting to be awakened. It must be actively built and unified through local organizing work, street movements, electoral projects, and coalition building.

Emerge: Points of Unity

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Emerge members work in their local communities within organizations like labor unions, tenant unions, and community safety networks, building avenues for working class autonomy and class struggle independent of the nonprofit industrial complex.

Emerge members work in their local communities within organizations like labor unions, tenant unions, and community safety networks, building avenues for working class autonomy and class struggle independent of the nonprofit industrial complex. Emerge also builds with street movements to practice security culture and self defense, both to stand our communal ground and to prepare for direct action in crisis. We believe antifascist organizing is fundamental to building bonds in ongoing collective struggle and keeping attuned to possibilities for revolutionary breaks.

Emerge: Points of Unity

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North Star

From its statement

North Star Link

To build the working-class solidarity necessary for victory, the voices of those who are under attack need to be uplifted and centered.

Read the source evidenceLink

To build the working-class solidarity necessary for victory, the voices of those who are under attack need to be uplifted and centered.

Trumpism targets Black people, Latinos, Muslims and immigrants, among other marginalized groups. It is based on overt appeals to white racial resentment and prejudice. Moreover, Trumpism promotes misogyny, anti-LGBTQIA bigotry, and ableism. To vanquish Trumpism, our effort must have explicitly anti-racist politics at its core and openly oppose sexism, homophobia, queerphobia, and transphobia. To build the working-class solidarity necessary for victory, we need to uplift and center the voices of those who are under attack. We prioritize the fight against Trumpism not only because of its strategic importance, but also out of deep moral conviction—the struggles against racism and other forms of oppression are central to our vision of democratic socialism.

North Star: Statement of Principles

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Labor unions are indispensable institutions for the democratization of the workplace.

Democratization of the economy begins in the workplace, where the rule of owners and managers must be replaced by the democratic power and rights of workers. Labor unions are indispensable institutions for the democratization of the workplace. To provide power and democratic rights to working people, unions themselves must be inclusive and democratic.

North Star: Statement of Principles

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Caracol

From its statement

Caracol Link

Commits to developing messaging and campaigns centering or otherwise incorporating degrowth ideas, policies, and approaches for building working-class power.

Read the source evidenceLink

Commitment to developing messaging and campaigns centering or otherwise incorporating degrowth ideas, policies, and approaches for building working-class power.

Developing messaging and campaigns centering or otherwise incorporating degrowth ideas, policies, and approaches for building working-class power.

Caracol: Points of Unity

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The multiracial working class’s task is to transform the U.S. way of life so that it values personal well-being and high quality public services rather than the pursuit of private wealth.

The multiracial working class’s tasks are to transform the political economy for socio-ecological justice and the U.S. way of life so that it values personal well-being and high quality public services rather than the pursuit of private wealth.

Caracol: Points of Unity

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Red Star

From its statement

Red Star Link

A party cannot be formed from the ideological commitment of a few alone; it needs the unity of those who lead in each sphere of struggle working alongside one another to cohere a vanguard to protect the class.

Read the source evidenceLink

A party cannot be formed from the ideological commitment of a few alone; it needs the unity of those who lead in each sphere of struggle working alongside one another to cohere a vanguard to protect the class.

The entirety of the US left, including its most advanced organizers, is disjointed, doing their work in a variety of organizations and formations to advance only a small set of ends that they can attempt to address. As the task of the party is to create a vanguard for the working class out of these sections, Red Star emphatically believes in recruiting other communists, effective organizers, and skilled workers of all kinds into DSA to be a part of the manifestation of an American working class expression of Marxism. This party cannot be formed from the ideological commitment of a few alone, it needs the unity of those who lead in each sphere of struggle working alongside one another, to cohere a vanguard to protect the class.

Red Star: Points of Unity

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Developing the capability to effectively coordinate work across locals and utilize the collective skills of the membership is to unlock the ability to meaningfully fight for the class.

Our vision is that the most meaningful route forward from the professional reformist model is the full utilization of the membership – DSA has no meaningful method to scientifically and rigorously test, advance, or coordinate the organizing skills of its members, it has no meaningful advancement aside from inviting a member to leave local work for the concentration of authority in the “mega chapter” of DSA National. Developing the capability to effectively coordinate work across locals and utilize the collective skills of our membership is to unlock the ability to meaningfully fight for the class.

Red Star: Points of Unity

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Named tendencies and ideological identity

Named tendencies and ideological identity Link

This small identity-heavy cluster centers on Red Star's self-description and North Star's own principles. Red Star describes itself as Marxist-Leninist, while North Star affirms democratization and opposition to oppression. Shared source-name wording contributes to the grouping; it is not evidence that these tendencies agree or share a separate substantive policy.

Red Star

From its statement

Red Star Link

Red Star is Marxist-Leninist.

Read the source evidenceLink

Red Star is Marxist-Leninist.

We are Marxist-Leninists

Red Star: Points of Unity

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Red Star conceives of itself as an ideological center in DSA.

Red Star conceives of itself as an ideological center in DSA. As a center, we work from a practical and coherent position to push DSA toward our shared vision through organizing, through developing ourselves and other DSA members, through polemics, and by engaging with DSA’s internal democratic processes.

Red Star: Points of Unity

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North Star

From its statement

North Star Link

North Star is opposed to militarism and imperialism.

Read the source evidenceLink

North Star is opposed to militarism and imperialism.

We believe that the United States must adopt a democratic socialist foreign policy in world affairs, and we are opposed to militarism and imperialism.

North Star: Statement of Principles

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North Star believes in the democratization of society and in an end to all forms of bigotry, discrimination and oppression.

We believe in the democratization of society and in an end to all forms of bigotry, discrimination and oppression.

North Star: Statement of Principles

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Bread & Roses

From its statement

Bread & Roses Link

No eligible claims assigned to this theme in the sampled statement. This does not mean opposition.

Caracol

From its statement

Caracol Link

No eligible claims assigned to this theme in the sampled statement. This does not mean opposition.

Communist Caucus

From its statement

Communist Caucus Link

No eligible claims assigned to this theme in the sampled statement. This does not mean opposition.

Emerge

From its statement

Emerge Link

No eligible claims assigned to this theme in the sampled statement. This does not mean opposition.

Groundwork

From its statement

Groundwork Link

No eligible claims assigned to this theme in the sampled statement. This does not mean opposition.

Libertarian Socialist Caucus

From its statement

Libertarian Socialist Caucus Link

No eligible claims assigned to this theme in the sampled statement. This does not mean opposition.

Marxist Unity Group

From its statement

Marxist Unity Group Link

No eligible claims assigned to this theme in the sampled statement. This does not mean opposition.

Reform & Revolution

From its statement

Reform & Revolution Link

No eligible claims assigned to this theme in the sampled statement. This does not mean opposition.

Socialist Majority Caucus

From its statement

Socialist Majority Caucus Link

No eligible claims assigned to this theme in the sampled statement. This does not mean opposition.

Springs of Revolution

From its statement

Springs of Revolution Link

No eligible claims assigned to this theme in the sampled statement. This does not mean opposition.

Winter Caucus

From its statement

Winter Caucus Link

No eligible claims assigned to this theme in the sampled statement. This does not mean opposition.

Oppression, abolition and anti-imperialism

Oppression, abolition and anti-imperialism Link

The theme connects opposition to domestic oppression with international domination. LSC calls for abolition of policing and incarceration; Bread & Roses discusses anti-oppression campaigns; the Communist Caucus connects class power to opposing imperialist violence. The breadth of this cluster prevents treating it as a single foreign-policy position.

North Star

From its statement

North Star Link

Opposes militarism and imperialism.

Read the source evidenceLink

Opposition to militarism and imperialism.

6. WE BELIEVE THAT THE UNITED STATES MUST ADOPT A DEMOCRATIC SOCIALIST FOREIGN POLICY IN WORLD AFFAIRS. WE OPPOSE MILITARISM AND IMPERIALISM

North Star: Statement of Principles

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Support for the democratization of society and an end to all forms of bigotry, discrimination and oppression.

5. WE BELIEVE IN THE DEMOCRATIZATION OF SOCIETY AND IN AN END TO ALL FORMS OF BIGOTRY, DISCRIMINATION AND OPPRESSION

North Star: Statement of Principles

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Libertarian Socialist Caucus

From its statement

Libertarian Socialist Caucus Link

Supports the unconditional abolition of policing and incarceration.

Read the source evidenceLink

Support for the unconditional abolition of policing and incarceration.

9. We seek the unconditional abolition of policing and incarceration.

Libertarian Socialist Caucus: Points of Unity

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Opposition to the oppressive structure of the current international order.

While American imperialism has dominated the shape of international relations, other powers have influenced global and regional politics to lesser degrees. Their political and economic interests frequently intersect with those of Empire, to the ultimate detriment of the global working class. Imperialism establishes distinct structural relationships when perpetrated by nation-states at lower stages of economic development or less central positions of power within international relations. We oppose the oppressive structure of the current international order and aim to support movements to topple existing powers, build and sustain popular and socialist power, or otherwise gain counterpower and autonomy within the imperial system to the extent that those movements embody a liberatory vision. Any nation-state, as a territorial monopoly on legitimized force, uses exploitation to preserve and reproduce its authority. Organizing in the imperial core, we hold a key strategic position in the international struggle. As we seek to organize the marginalized and dispossessed, we agitate for the recognition of our shared struggle with the working classes of the global periphery. Resistance in both core and periphery against imperialism can threaten its foundations.

Libertarian Socialist Caucus: Points of Unity

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Marxist Unity Group

From its statement

Marxist Unity Group Link

Commits to fight the Constitution to win a democratic socialist republic in North America.

Read the source evidenceLink

Commitment to fight the Constitution to win a democratic socialist republic in North America.

We fight the Constitution to win a democratic socialist republic in North America, to complete the partial overthrow of the constitutional order by the Civil War and the abolition of slavery, and to finish the project of Reconstruction by establishing a multiracial and multinational democracy ruled by the toilers of society. Forged in revolution, this continental republic will strive for the global liberation of all working and oppressed people. We desire the widest possible geographic scope for such a state so that it can most effectively carry out this mission, but we also recognize the principle of national self-determination. All indigenous and colonized peoples must win sovereignty, including those living within the current borders of the United States. No oppressed nation will be incorporated into the socialist republic against its will.

Marxist Unity Group: Seven Points of Unity

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Recognition of the principle of national self-determination.

We fight the Constitution to win a democratic socialist republic in North America, to complete the partial overthrow of the constitutional order by the Civil War and the abolition of slavery, and to finish the project of Reconstruction by establishing a multiracial and multinational democracy ruled by the toilers of society. Forged in revolution, this continental republic will strive for the global liberation of all working and oppressed people. We desire the widest possible geographic scope for such a state so that it can most effectively carry out this mission, but we also recognize the principle of national self-determination. All indigenous and colonized peoples must win sovereignty, including those living within the current borders of the United States. No oppressed nation will be incorporated into the socialist republic against its will.

Marxist Unity Group: Seven Points of Unity

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Bread & Roses

From its statement

Bread & Roses Link

Supports building struggles against mass incarceration, police brutality, restrictions on reproductive rights, gender violence, job and housing discrimination, and deportations, particularly when they can mobilize large numbers of people.

Read the source evidenceLink

Support for building struggles against mass incarceration, police brutality, restrictions on reproductive rights, gender violence, job and housing discrimination, and deportations, particularly when they can mobilize large numbers of people.

Second, socialists must tackle specific forms of domination and division head on. Today in the United States key battles against oppression include, but by no means are limited to, the fight against mass incarceration and police brutality; campaigns to defend and expand reproductive rights; fights to eliminate gender violence; the struggle by queer people, disabled people, women, and people of color to stop job and housing discrimination; and the movement to end deportations of undocumented immigrants. Socialists should build these struggles — particularly when they can mobilize large numbers of people — and find ways to incorporate these demands in union struggles and electoral campaigns.

Bread & Roses: Where We Stand

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Today in the United States, key battles against oppression include the struggle by queer people, disabled people, women, and people of color to stop job and housing discrimination.

Second, socialists must tackle specific forms of domination and division head on. Today in the United States key battles against oppression include, but by no means are limited to, the fight against mass incarceration and police brutality; campaigns to defend and expand reproductive rights; fights to eliminate gender violence; the struggle by queer people, disabled people, women, and people of color to stop job and housing discrimination; and the movement to end deportations of undocumented immigrants. Socialists should build these struggles — particularly when they can mobilize large numbers of people — and find ways to incorporate these demands in union struggles and electoral campaigns.

Bread & Roses: Where We Stand

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Emerge

From its statement

Emerge Link

Diverse social forces should be stitched together to organize a mass front against global imperialism and domestic carceral fascism.

Read the source evidenceLink

Diverse social forces should be stitched together to organize a mass front against global imperialism and domestic carceral fascism.

Our moment: At home and abroad, liberation movements resist the poverty and war the U.S. government imposes upon them. The world system ruled by 20th century capitalism is ending. If we are going to take a meaningful role in that transformation, we must engage in a parallel struggle, stitching together diverse social forces to organize a mass front against global imperialism and domestic carceral fascism. To construct a world-changing solidarity, we organize locally, identifying where class confrontation is already happening — in the street, at the ballot box, against prisons and detention centers, and in our neighborhoods. Our organizing aims to erode relationships of domination and build collective power, so that we may chart our shared destiny in unity.

Emerge: Points of Unity

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The U.S. and its allies, such as NATO, violently smother socialist states and liberation struggles all over the world.

Our place in society is largely determined by where we are born. For the same labor, workers in the Global South are paid a fraction of what workers are paid in the Global North, all to fuel development in Western nations at the expense of their own livelihoods and security. The U.S. and its allies, such as NATO, use their militaries and global financial institutions to maintain this unequal world-system and violently smother socialist states and liberation struggles all over the world. As socialists in the imperial core, we must oppose all interventions that uphold the empire — military, economic, or otherwise — and fight for a world economy which is planned to allow all humanity to flourish.

Emerge: Points of Unity

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Groundwork

From its statement

Groundwork Link

Only an unapologetic left can stop the fascist scapegoating of trans people, immigrants, women, and near everyone else.

Read the source evidenceLink

Only an unapologetic left can stop the fascist scapegoating of trans people, immigrants, women, and near everyone else.

Socialism Beats Fascism: Only an unapologetic left can wage the popular ideological warfare it takes to shatter the overton window, stop the fascist scapegoating of trans people, immigrants, women, and near everyone else, and point mass outrage where it belongs: capitalists.

Groundwork: Groundwork Points of Unity

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Only an unapologetic left can wage the popular ideological warfare it takes to shatter the Overton window.

Socialism Beats Fascism: Only an unapologetic left can wage the popular ideological warfare it takes to shatter the overton window, stop the fascist scapegoating of trans people, immigrants, women, and near everyone else, and point mass outrage where it belongs: capitalists.

Groundwork: Groundwork Points of Unity

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Red Star

From its statement

Red Star Link

Anti-imperialism must be at the core of the future party.

Read the source evidenceLink

Anti-imperialism must be at the core of the future party.

Anti-imperialism must be at the core of the future party

Red Star: Points of Unity

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To publicly critique a government or movement that stands in opposition to the American government is to do the US State Department’s work for them, from Iran to Palestine.

Red Star strives to weaken and ultimately dismantle US empire. We acknowledge that while no political project is perfect, to publicly critique a government or movement that stands in opposition to the American government is to do the US State Department’s work for them, from Iran to Palestine. There is no such thing as a third camp; one is either working to support American imperialism or to oppose it. As we do not hold the reins of power over the US military industrial complex, all that can be done with public “nuance” around international political movements is to create consent for empire. We are mindful that facts don’t exist in a vacuum, they are used to advance a narrative, and any narrative that forwards the interests of American empire is one we shouldn’t give oxygen to and is fundamentally for the imperialist camp. We are committed to opposing chauvinism in all forms. The US is rife with confusion about and derision for imperialism’s targets, and there is no place for it in a Socialist organization or movement.

Red Star: Points of Unity

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Communist Caucus

From its statement

Communist Caucus Link

Development of class power stems from collective opposition to the U.S. government’s capacity to build empire and inflict imperialist violence.

Read the source evidenceLink

Development of class power stems from collective opposition to the U.S. government’s capacity to build empire and inflict imperialist violence.

Working class power is international or it is nothing. The system of capital that confronts us is thoroughly global; it reaches well beyond the boundaries of the United States. Capitalist exploitation means extraction in Africa, exploitation in Asia, and the propagation of urban slums throughout the Global South. This system of global capitalism is not natural. It is enforced by the military might of the United States government. Our development of class power through international solidarities stems from our collective opposition to the US government’s capacity to build empire and inflict imperialist violence. The history of the US state is riddled with imperialism, slavery, genocide, and colonialism. We must always remember this history, for it shows the development of the American state as a terroristic capitalist formation. Just as global capitalism, today’s working class crosses all national borders. Capitalism is a global threat, and only a globally organized working class is sufficient for fighting it.

Communist Caucus: Our Statement

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People's ability to become a collective force allows them to reclaim the dignity and autonomy that has been forcibly taken from them.

Making demands of capital and the state are primarily useful when doing so organizes us as a class. Organizing as a class teaches us how to collectively fight and win. We learn how to sustain protracted strikes, occupations, blockades, and take-overs. We improve our ability to rout white supremacists, pressure bosses, force politicians to act, or reverse displacement. As we get organized, we build our capacity to fight and endure together. Our ability to become a collective force allows us to reclaim the dignity and autonomy that has been forcibly taken from us. We will seize control of the world that was built through our collective exploitation and domination. All of this we want, yet none can be had exclusively through the ballot box.

Communist Caucus: Our Statement

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Socialist Majority Caucus

From its statement

Socialist Majority Caucus Link

The authoritarian right wing in the United States—and its primary political vehicle, the Republican Party—pose a historic threat to democracy, racial equality, trans rights and bodily autonomy, and the fundamental rights of all working people.

Read the source evidenceLink

The authoritarian right wing in the United States—and its primary political vehicle, the Republican Party—pose a historic threat to democracy, racial equality, trans rights and bodily autonomy, and the fundamental rights of all working people.

The authoritarian right wing in the United States—and its primary political vehicle, the Republican Party—pose a historic threat to democracy, racial equality, trans rights and bodily autonomy, and the fundamental rights of all working people. To the extent the right secures state power, they will be significantly more effective in their attempts to repress the left and the labor movement by both legal and extralegal means.

Socialist Majority Caucus: Points of Unity

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Liberalism has shortcomings.

To win socialism, we must keep the far right from power, preventing a suspension of democracy and working-class organizing. This requires participating in a popular front against the right in general elections. We know a popular front alone cannot liberate the working class from capitalism, so we must also advance socialist politics by fighting corporate Democrats in primaries, highlighting the shortcomings of liberalism while offering a political alternative.

Socialist Majority Caucus: Points of Unity

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Reform & Revolution

From its statement

Reform & Revolution Link

The current period is characterized by crises of organization, leadership, and consciousness, which together form a Triple Crisis.

Read the source evidenceLink

The current period is characterized by crises of organization, leadership, and consciousness, which together form a Triple Crisis.

The fragmentation and disorientation of Marxist forces in the wake of the bureaucratic ossification and collapse of the Soviet Union poses a challenge for the revolutionary left. However, the growth of new left formations and new terrains of class struggle present enormous opportunities. Our period is characterized by crises of organization, leadership, and consciousness, which together form a Triple Crisis. R&R aims to tackle this Triple Crisis by carrying out a Dual Task, the approach of simultaneously building mass campaigns and broader socialist organizations, while also developing the revolutionary core within those struggles.

Reform & Revolution: Points of Unity

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Caracol

From its statement

Caracol Link

Supports the democratic expenditure of society’s productive surplus, known as Dépense.

Read the source evidenceLink

Support for the democratic expenditure of society’s productive surplus, known as Dépense.

We support the democratic expenditure of society’s productive surplus, known as Dépense. This concept answers the problem of what to do with overproduction under ecosocialist degrowth. Examples of dépense include Brazilian carnaval, Mardi Gras, and feasts. Dépense shows how scarcity logic under capitalism is historically specific, not a universal truth (Schmelzer et al. 2022, 127).

Caracol: Points of Unity

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Anti-imperialism falls under the umbrella of degrowth.

We recognize that degrowth is a “big tent” movement of movements and that ideological diversity is one of its strengths. Several notable movements fall under the umbrella of degrowth, including ecofeminism, Buen vivir/Sumak Kawsay, ecoswaraj/radical ecological democracy, ubuntu, social ecology, the rights of nature, right to repair, solidarity economies, anti-imperialism, and increasingly, ecosocialism.

Caracol: Points of Unity

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Winter Caucus

From its statement

Winter Caucus Link

Opposes identity politics is not because of opposition to struggles for the liberation of groups from particular forms of oppression, or denial of the existence of those oppressions.

Read the source evidenceLink

Opposition to identity politics is not because of opposition to struggles for the liberation of groups from particular forms of oppression, or denial of the existence of those oppressions.

Class struggle is the primary force behind social and political change. Solidarity as a whole working class is necessary to confront the capitalist class that uses prejudices to divide us so we never stand up to them. We oppose identity politics not because we oppose struggles for the liberation of groups from particular forms of oppression, or deny the existence of those oppressions. We recognize that these struggles concern – and so must be waged by – the entire working class.

Winter Caucus: Statement of Principles

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Springs of Revolution

From its statement

Springs of Revolution Link

No eligible claims assigned to this theme in the sampled statement. This does not mean opposition.

Political traditions and organizing approaches

Political traditions and organizing approaches Link

This heterogeneous cluster includes Marxist and materialist self-description alongside organizing methods. Reform & Revolution names its revolutionary Marxist tradition; Red Star invokes dialectical and historical materialism. Repeated normalization wording such as 'the group' also contributes to this cluster, so its share is not a clean measure of ideology.

Emerge

From its statement

Emerge Link

The group pursues transformative justice.

Read the source evidenceLink

The group pursues transformative justice.

Liberation requires prison abolition — which we fight for in solidarity with the oppressed on their own terms, against expansion of the carceral state and in pursuit of transformative justice.

Emerge: Points of Unity

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The group looks to Marxist theory and liberatory projects around the world for inspiration.

Our inspiration: To ground our principles and inform our tactics, we look to Marxist theory and liberatory projects around the world. We study how communist parties operated in the Russian, Chinese, and Cuban Revolutions, and how anti-colonial movements fought for liberation in Algeria, Vietnam, and Burkina Faso. We look to historical struggles in the U.S., like Reconstruction, the rise of the Black Panther Party, and the American Indian Movement, and reflect on the gains and challenges faced by recent projects like the Palestinian resistance movement, the Latin American Pink Tide, and the George Floyd uprising.

Emerge: Points of Unity

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Reform & Revolution

From its statement

Reform & Revolution Link

The group stands in the revolutionary tradition of Marxism and scientific socialism.

Read the source evidenceLink

The group stands in the revolutionary tradition of Marxism and scientific socialism.

We stand in the revolutionary tradition of Marxism and scientific socialism, and draw inspiration from the ideas of Marx, Engels, Luxemburg, Lenin, Trotsky, and other revolutionaries who have come before. Our strategy emerges from the lessons of the 1917 Bolshevik Revolution, in which the working class seized state power and used it to transform society in its own interests and the interests of humanity. Our caucus continues to build upon that tradition and its subsequent development through the Left Opposition and Trotskyism.

Reform & Revolution: Points of Unity

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The group draws inspiration from the ideas of Marx, Engels, Luxemburg, Lenin, Trotsky, and other revolutionaries who have come before.

We stand in the revolutionary tradition of Marxism and scientific socialism, and draw inspiration from the ideas of Marx, Engels, Luxemburg, Lenin, Trotsky, and other revolutionaries who have come before. Our strategy emerges from the lessons of the 1917 Bolshevik Revolution, in which the working class seized state power and used it to transform society in its own interests and the interests of humanity. Our caucus continues to build upon that tradition and its subsequent development through the Left Opposition and Trotskyism.

Reform & Revolution: Points of Unity

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Socialist Majority Caucus

From its statement

Socialist Majority Caucus Link

The group practices materialist politics.

Read the source evidenceLink

The group practices materialist politics.

2. We are socialists because we practice materialist politics, not socialist identitarianism.

Socialist Majority Caucus: Points of Unity

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The group believes in the democratic road to socialist revolution.

1. We believe in the democratic road to socialist revolution, so our urgent task is to build a socialist majority.

Socialist Majority Caucus: Points of Unity

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Red Star

From its statement

Red Star Link

The group adheres to dialectical and historical materialism.

Read the source evidenceLink

The group adheres to dialectical and historical materialism.

Dialectical and historical materialism

Red Star: Points of Unity

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The group adheres to scientific socialism.

Scientific socialism

Red Star: Points of Unity

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Marxist Unity Group

From its statement

Marxist Unity Group Link

Marxist Unity Group supports integrating locals into larger state-level organizations.

Read the source evidenceLink

Marxist Unity Group supports integrating locals into larger state-level organizations.

Marxist Unity Group will work to increase DSA acting as a nationwide organization. We will build nationwide collaboration and debate through DSA’s national committees and also through developing a lively party press. We support efforts to lift chapters out of parochialism by increasing member communication across chapter lines, maintaining staffing levels required to make member-led organizing possible at the national level while ensuring fair pay and working conditions, and by integrating locals into larger state-level organizations. It is also why we want DSA to run an organized slate of socialist candidates to contest the House of Representatives. By conducting principled agitation in the halls of Congress, socialists can deliver a common message to every corner of the country. While we use the federal government as a bully pulpit, our candidates could also use their public profiles to support state and municipal organizing efforts. Federal, state, and local struggles—strikes, electoral campaigns, and mass demonstrations—will all be fused together in one grand movement that demands nothing less than a working-class, socialist revolution.

Marxist Unity Group: Seven Points of Unity

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The group wants a disciplined, self-reliant organization that is run democratically by its rank and file members.

To achieve political independence, we must learn to act with greater unity and determination. We want a disciplined, self-reliant organization that is run democratically by its rank and file members. What holds parties together is agreement on final goals, not minor immediate tactical concerns. This approach is called programmatic unity: unity based on common struggle for essential political goals, rather than on dogmatic purity or vague slogans that obscure our true objectives. Acceptance of a political program with specific demands on the state is how the first mass socialist parties succeeded in winning the working class of their countries by the millions. A program provides direction on the political demands that will establish socialism and democratic rule by the working class without prescribing a narrow tactical route.

Marxist Unity Group: Seven Points of Unity

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Libertarian Socialist Caucus

From its statement

Libertarian Socialist Caucus Link

The group identifies as revolutionary socialists first and foremost.

Read the source evidenceLink

The group identifies as revolutionary socialists first and foremost.

We are revolutionary socialists first and foremost. Our ultimate vision for society is incompatible with all forms of capitalism, markets, and economic exploitation. We reject false visions of liberation that seek to preserve private ownership of capital. These systems rely on social domination, and dictatorial interests will invariably manipulate them at every point to limit popular and democratic power. Community ownership of the means of production requires both worker control over the day-to-day conditions of their workplace, and democratic governance of our social and political systems. Libertarian socialists have experimented with different economic models, from syndicalism and cooperative economies, to municipalization and socialization. We recognize that democracy in production must be matched with democracy in all spheres of life, and structures of economic planning must be integrated with broader democratic political structures, from tenant unions to public assemblies to local and municipal government.

Libertarian Socialist Caucus: Points of Unity

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The group seeks movements to have characteristics including force, class struggle perspective, combativeness, autonomy, direct action, direct democracy and a revolutionary perspective.

The influence of movements by anarchism means seeking for them to have the characteristics that we stand for: force, class struggle perspective, combativeness, autonomy, direct action, direct democracy and revolutionary perspective.

Libertarian Socialist Caucus: Points of Unity

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Bread & Roses

From its statement

Bread & Roses Link

The group opposes ultra-left tactics that substitute adventures organized by a small cadre of activists for a mass, organized working-class movement.

Read the source evidenceLink

The group opposes ultra-left tactics that substitute adventures organized by a small cadre of activists for a mass, organized working-class movement.

Our perspective differs from alternative socialist strategies. We reject a strategy of gradually winning reforms which never seeks to break with the capitalist system. Often this strategy also embraces liberal tactics for winning reforms that prioritize electing and winning the ear of benevolent elites rather than challenging capital’s right to rule or building the working class’s ability to fight. On the other hand, we also reject a strategy of insurrection which mistakenly seeks to adopt a model from vastly different historical conditions and apply it to our situation today. We oppose ultra-left tactics that substitute adventures organized by a small cadre of activists for a mass, organized working-class movement. And we oppose politics defined by radical posturing that appeals only to the already convinced.

Bread & Roses: Where We Stand

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The group opposes politics defined by radical posturing that appeals only to the already convinced.

Our perspective differs from alternative socialist strategies. We reject a strategy of gradually winning reforms which never seeks to break with the capitalist system. Often this strategy also embraces liberal tactics for winning reforms that prioritize electing and winning the ear of benevolent elites rather than challenging capital’s right to rule or building the working class’s ability to fight. On the other hand, we also reject a strategy of insurrection which mistakenly seeks to adopt a model from vastly different historical conditions and apply it to our situation today. We oppose ultra-left tactics that substitute adventures organized by a small cadre of activists for a mass, organized working-class movement. And we oppose politics defined by radical posturing that appeals only to the already convinced.

Bread & Roses: Where We Stand

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Caracol

From its statement

Caracol Link

The group is committed to creating a post-growth, ecosocialist world democratically.

Read the source evidenceLink

The group is committed to creating a post-growth, ecosocialist world democratically.

A degrowth transition in the Global North must be democratic or it is not degrowth. We are committed to creating a post-growth, ecosocialist world democratically.

Caracol: Points of Unity

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The group supports ending debt strangulation, sanctions, corporate domination, and political disenfranchisement.

We acknowledge the ways colonial history has shaped capitalism and the international political economic order. To be effective, degrowth must be an internationalist ecosocialist project. Therefore, degrowth must address this colonial history in its proposals and political strategies. To do this, we have to transform the international economic and financial architecture that maintains Northern power through coercion and oppression of Southern nations, peoples, and popular movements. Instruments of such oppression — including debt strangulation, sanctions, corporate domination, and political disenfranchisement — must end.

Caracol: Points of Unity

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North Star

From its statement

North Star Link

A goal to develop links with a wide range of left-wing, socialist, and progressive organizations around the world.

Read the source evidenceLink

A goal to develop links with a wide range of left-wing, socialist, and progressive organizations around the world.

DSA works with a wide array of leftist organizations in the United States, including a wide range of organizations engaged in social justice struggles. So too we ought to develop links with a wide range of left-wing, socialist, and progressive organizations around the world. Narrowness in how we approach social movements abroad, just like narrowness in our domestic alliances, only undermines our effectiveness and discredits our vision.

North Star: Statement of Principles

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The group needs to be clear in opposing U.S. corporate practices of labor exploitation and environmental destruction across the globe.

There will always be debate and disagreement within our ranks over the specifics of social developments in other countries—how could that not be, given differences over domestic policies with which we are collectively better informed? But whatever the circumstances, we need to be clear in opposing both overt and covert U. S. intervention abroad and in opposing U. S. corporate practices of labor exploitation and environmental destruction across the globe. At the same time, we need to work with others internationally around a shared commitment to peace, justice, democracy, and human rights, acting in solidarity with those engaged in such struggles in other countries without ever giving up our critical perspective or voice.

North Star: Statement of Principles

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Winter Caucus

From its statement

Winter Caucus Link

Winter will build member-funded and -directed organizations.

Read the source evidenceLink

Winter will build member-funded and -directed organizations.

In practice, we will keep ourselves rooted in forging class solidarity by prioritizing outward-facing organizing at points of class conflict, building member-funded and -directed organizations, and directly engaging with people in the places we live and work.

Winter Caucus: Statement of Principles

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Communist Caucus

From its statement

Communist Caucus Link

No eligible claims assigned to this theme in the sampled statement. This does not mean opposition.

Groundwork

From its statement

Groundwork Link

No eligible claims assigned to this theme in the sampled statement. This does not mean opposition.

Springs of Revolution

From its statement

Springs of Revolution Link

No eligible claims assigned to this theme in the sampled statement. This does not mean opposition.

Socialist organizing and democratic aims

Socialist organizing and democratic aims Link

This broad cluster links socialist organizing to democratic goals. Bread & Roses emphasizes a united multiracial working-class movement; North Star puts democracy at the core of socialism. Labor organizing, electoral work, and international coordination appear together, rather than forming one agreed strategy.

Bread & Roses

From its statement

Bread & Roses Link

Socialists strive to build a united multiracial working-class movement.

Read the source evidenceLink

Socialists strive to build a united multiracial working-class movement.

As part of our vision of winning a truly free society, socialists are committed to ending all forms of oppression. To reach this goal, we strive to build a united multiracial working-class movement. Our strategy for fighting oppression and building unity has three components.

Bread & Roses: Where We Stand

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Together, socialists can build unions that are democratic forces ready to confront employers, organize the unorganized, and lead wider working-class political fights.

With this in mind, socialists should organize as rank-and-file workers and rebuild the connection between the socialist movement and the militant minority of workers already organizing in the labor movement. Together, we can work to build unions that are democratic forces ready to confront employers, organize the unorganized, and lead wider working-class political fights.

Bread & Roses: Where We Stand

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Marxist Unity Group

From its statement

Marxist Unity Group Link

Commits to construct the socialist order under the democratic leadership of a victorious socialist party.

Read the source evidenceLink

Commitment to construct the socialist order under the democratic leadership of a victorious socialist party.

Alongside ecological and economic crises, the minoritarian and sclerotic constitutional order will contribute to massive political crises in the coming decades. This period of crisis will provide our class with an opportunity to topple the old order and convene a revolutionary Popular Assembly: a majoritarian constitutional convention elected by all the people. Under the democratic leadership of a victorious socialist party, the Popular Assembly will proceed to construct the socialist order. It will dismantle the slaveholder constitution and write the founding documents of the new republic.

Marxist Unity Group: Seven Points of Unity

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Socialists should conduct the struggle for political reforms and economic improvements out in the open and win by acting as an intransigent opposition to the ruling class.

Horse-trading, neutralism, and spineless compromise have failed to truly advance socialist politics. We will always embrace the struggle for political reforms and economic improvements, but we want socialists to conduct that struggle out in the open and win by acting as an intransigent opposition to the ruling class. Instead of cutting backroom deals as a junior coalition partner, socialists can use their platforms to raise the expectations of the working class and mobilize it to force concessions from the capitalists.

Marxist Unity Group: Seven Points of Unity

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Socialist Majority Caucus

From its statement

Socialist Majority Caucus Link

Socialists should participate in independent political organizations, unions, tenant associations, and other mass organizations to reach, organize, and politicize working people in different ways.

Read the source evidenceLink

Socialists should participate in independent political organizations, unions, tenant associations, and other mass organizations to reach, organize, and politicize working people in different ways.

We believe that socialists should participate in independent political organizations, unions, tenant associations, and other mass organizations that can reach, organize, and politicize working people in different ways. DSA membership increases during moments of popular upheaval, and we should strategically bring new members into long-term work in the socialist movement through these interconnected struggles. Today, the tip of the spear of the right-wing movement is aimed at our trans siblings—and we must defend them.

Socialist Majority Caucus: Points of Unity

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Winning necessitates mass socialist politics.

We don't just want to talk about a better world—we have a duty to win power and start building it now. As materialists, we measure the success of our work and its adherence to socialist principles in terms of material outcomes—real changes to people's lives, and quantifiable power and organizing scale for both the socialist movement and the broader working class. We want to win, and winning necessitates mass socialist politics: organizing millions of everyday working-class and oppressed people to fight capitalism, build movements, and transform the political terrain.

Socialist Majority Caucus: Points of Unity

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Libertarian Socialist Caucus

From its statement

Libertarian Socialist Caucus Link

Socialists should organize openly for a democratic, worker-led labor movement.

Read the source evidenceLink

Socialists should organize openly for a democratic, worker-led labor movement.

8. Socialists should organize openly for a democratic, worker-led labor movement.

Libertarian Socialist Caucus: Points of Unity

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Socialist labor organizers should openly identify themselves as socialists and advocate for democratic, militant unions.

We believe DSA members should not hide their affiliation with the socialist movement during the course of their work within unions, nor should they allow their politics to passively fall by the wayside. Socialist labor organizers should openly identify themselves as such and advocate earnestly for democratic, militant unions, but we must be careful not to subordinate union activity to DSA’s other political priorities, or take a hostile or sectarian approach toward existing reform movements. Socialists outside the labor movement must also take an active role in aiding labor struggles through mutual aid and direct action. We must distinguish ourselves not by separating ourselves from our coworkers or from sections of labor that may not identify as socialist, but through our contributions to workplace struggles and our commitment to democracy, working-class militancy, open dialogue, and solidarity.

Libertarian Socialist Caucus: Points of Unity

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North Star

From its statement

North Star Link

Democratic socialism has democracy at its core.

Read the source evidenceLink

Democratic socialism has democracy at its core.

2. OUR VISION OF DEMOCRATIC SOCIALISM HAS DEMOCRACY AT ITS CORE:

North Star: Statement of Principles

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Support for struggles for democracy and democratic socialism across the globe.

We are internationalists, supportive of struggles for democracy and democratic socialism across the globe. We oppose militarism and imperialism in U. S. foreign policy, which cannot be separated from a history of domination and exploitation of peoples of color around the world.

North Star: Statement of Principles

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Winter Caucus

From its statement

Winter Caucus Link

If socialists are to confront capitalism and imperialism, then socialists must organize as a global movement.

Read the source evidenceLink

If socialists are to confront capitalism and imperialism, then socialists must organize as a global movement.

Class struggle is a global struggle. Capitalism and the struggle against it are not constrained by borders. If we are to confront capitalism and imperialism then socialists must organize as a global movement. Establishing relationships with socialist and workers’ parties around the world is essential to our common fight against global capitalism and neoliberalism. Socialists abroad, many of whom are leading successful movements in their own nations, have invaluable perspectives and experience that cannot be ignored. We want to create a common understanding and movement as a single working class across all borders and languages.

Winter Caucus: Statement of Principles

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The socialist movement should be merged with radicalized labor to win over a critical mass of working class support.

We need a movement and political party for the working class that is grounded in Marxist principles where the socialist movement is merged with radicalized labor to win over a critical mass of working class support. Together, our struggle will be to overcome capitalism and implement the transition to socialism.

Winter Caucus: Statement of Principles

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Emerge

From its statement

Emerge Link

When socialists are elected, they can popularize demands, legislate to increase working class power, and expose the repressive mechanisms of bourgeois democracy from within.

Read the source evidenceLink

When socialists are elected, they can popularize demands, legislate to increase working class power, and expose the repressive mechanisms of bourgeois democracy from within.

Electoral work is a critical site of such collective struggle. When socialists are elected, they can popularize demands, legislate to increase working class power, and expose the repressive mechanisms of bourgeois democracy from within. In doing so, their offices can become sites of community organization. However, in Emerge, we do not equate a seat at the table with actual power in an inherently hostile state. To actually transform society, we need independent movements that can open space for our electeds to operate, through applying external pressure and bolstering defense from reactionary forces.

Emerge: Points of Unity

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Because it views democracy as the means of building socialism, the group checks the tide of majority rule and actively fosters consensus.

The struggle to abolish all forms of oppression begins with our own organizational practices. Aware of our upbringing in patriarchal, chauvinist mores, we strive to maintain gender and racial parity in our caucus membership, to evenly spread reproductive labor, and to guarantee shared ownership of our decisions through transparent processes. Because we view democracy as the means of building socialism, we check the tide of majority rule and actively foster consensus, which sets the foundation for taking nimble action “at the speed of trust” when circumstances require it.

Emerge: Points of Unity

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Red Star

From its statement

Red Star Link

The group recognizes the role of a party with a socialist and democratic character in cohering the vanguard.

Read the source evidenceLink

The group recognizes the role of a party with a socialist and democratic character in cohering the vanguard.

The role of a party with a socialist and democratic character in cohering the vanguard

Red Star: Points of Unity

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There is no place for confusion about and derision for imperialism’s targets in a Socialist organization or movement.

Red Star strives to weaken and ultimately dismantle US empire. We acknowledge that while no political project is perfect, to publicly critique a government or movement that stands in opposition to the American government is to do the US State Department’s work for them, from Iran to Palestine. There is no such thing as a third camp; one is either working to support American imperialism or to oppose it. As we do not hold the reins of power over the US military industrial complex, all that can be done with public “nuance” around international political movements is to create consent for empire. We are mindful that facts don’t exist in a vacuum, they are used to advance a narrative, and any narrative that forwards the interests of American empire is one we shouldn’t give oxygen to and is fundamentally for the imperialist camp. We are committed to opposing chauvinism in all forms. The US is rife with confusion about and derision for imperialism’s targets, and there is no place for it in a Socialist organization or movement.

Red Star: Points of Unity

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Caracol

From its statement

Caracol Link

Commits to producing socialist analysis from a degrowth perspective.

Read the source evidenceLink

Commitment to producing socialist analysis from a degrowth perspective.

Producing socialist analysis from a degrowth perspective.

Caracol: Points of Unity

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Belief that continuing to be explicit about the need for degrowth can help the socialist movement and help birth the new culture envisioned to thrive without economic growth.

We believe that continuing to be explicit about the need for degrowth can help the socialist movement, as well as help birth the new culture we envision to thrive without economic growth.

Caracol: Points of Unity

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Communist Caucus

From its statement

Communist Caucus Link

No eligible claims assigned to this theme in the sampled statement. This does not mean opposition.

Groundwork

From its statement

Groundwork Link

No eligible claims assigned to this theme in the sampled statement. This does not mean opposition.

Reform & Revolution

From its statement

Reform & Revolution Link

No eligible claims assigned to this theme in the sampled statement. This does not mean opposition.

Springs of Revolution

From its statement

Springs of Revolution Link

No eligible claims assigned to this theme in the sampled statement. This does not mean opposition.